On February 27, 2006, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by the Straits Times on how Chinese discontented farmers are using the internet to vent their grievances.
In the past, Beijing could regard the peasants as a backward lot whose interests were strictly parochial. Their grievances, no matter how intense, were isolated from the outside world, said Wenran.
You can read the article here.
Monday, February 27, 2006
Saturday, February 25, 2006
Land rights and graft a thorny issue
On February 25, 2006, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by the Straits Times on the growing rights movement among Chinese peasants stemming from China's ambiguous and frequently abused land ownership-acquisition policies.
Analysts are divided on whether China's rural reforms can succeed without addressing the thorny questions of land-ownership and rights.
Professor Jiang Wenran thinks the land issue will neither make nor break the bid to improve rural living. He commented that the land-rights issue is not the key issue that is going to make Chinese peasants better or worse off.
You can read the article here.
Analysts are divided on whether China's rural reforms can succeed without addressing the thorny questions of land-ownership and rights.
Professor Jiang Wenran thinks the land issue will neither make nor break the bid to improve rural living. He commented that the land-rights issue is not the key issue that is going to make Chinese peasants better or worse off.
You can read the article here.
Rural unrest not near any 'tipping point'
On February 25, 2006, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by the Straits Times on rural unrest in China.
For now, experts do not think the country is close to any 'tipping point', citing the lack of an organised political opposition.
But Wenran noted that it would be a mistake for Beijing to take comfort from such observations, adding that every new protest inched the regime closer to a potential crisis.
You can read the article here.
For now, experts do not think the country is close to any 'tipping point', citing the lack of an organised political opposition.
But Wenran noted that it would be a mistake for Beijing to take comfort from such observations, adding that every new protest inched the regime closer to a potential crisis.
You can read the article here.
Wednesday, February 22, 2006
China: threat or victim of U.S. fuels policy?
Washington accused of manipulating oil markets to slow pace of modernization
by Wenran Jiang
(Feb 22, 2006)
Edmonton Journal
China's growing appetite for energy has caused widespread concern around the world.
The Middle Kingdom is blamed for the sharp increase in global oil prices in the past few years. The United States is uneasy about Beijing's evolving cosy relations with major oil producers such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Venezuela, many of which are hostile toward Washington. And there are growing calls for containing China as an energy threat in a world of diminishing resources.
But many Chinese are resentful of such attitudes. Rather, they argue that China is the victim of mounting oil prices. In 2004 alone, Beijing spent an extra $7 billion US of its foreign exchange due to climbing oil prices, with payment totalling more than $43 billion US, making oil the country's largest single import item.
While the Western mainstream holds that the global increase in demand -- especially from China and India -- and decreasing spare production capacity will keep oil prices high, Beijing sees the real cause of high oil prices as manipulation of the energy markets by Western government-backed, profit-seeking "international petroleum crocodiles." Reports of huge earnings by Western energy firms only enhance such perceptions.
When the U.S. Congress voted overwhelmingly to block the sale of American energy company Unocal to China's National Offshore Oil Corp. last fall, it became further proof to many in China that the United States doesn't play by market rules -- its intention is to halt China's pace of modernization by keeping energy prices dear and keeping Chinese firms out of the global energy equity market.
CHINESE ENERGY FIRMS BITTER
Chinese energy companies are keenly aware of the volatile situation and high risks involved in their energy investment ventures in Africa, the Middle East and Latin America. And they are bitter when Western media accuse them of being in bed with dictators or "rogue states" as defined by the United States.
Given the perception gap, the recent Chinese debates on energy security have resulted in some people strongly advocating for a speedy buildup of China's navy in order to protect vital energy shipping routes.
Currently, a popular Chinese online novel, The Battle in Protecting Key Oil Routes, depicts a war scenario in 2008 near the Strait of Malacca where the Chinese navy destroys the entire U.S. Pacific carrier group in a decisive sea battle.
But more seriously, all Chinese government officials who talk about energy nowadays emphasize that China is not just the second-largest energy consumer on earth but also the second-largest energy producer, with only six per cent of its annual energy needs coming from abroad.
They quote statistics that China accounts for only three per cent of overall global oil trade. The psychological impact of the dragon's thirst for oil aside, this does not seem to be the number that will drive up energy prices.
Beijing also announced recently that China's demands for external oil grew by only 3.3 per cent last year, which is more than 30 per cent lower than in 2004. "China will import less oil and oil products in 2006 than in the previous years," says Lu Jianhua, director of the foreign trade department of the Ministry of Commerce. "It is unfair to blame China for the rising international oil prices."
Meanwhile, China has begun to implement a range of policies to boost domestic energy exploration and production, together with energy diversification and conservation measures. We also hear that China is not in a hurry to fill its strategic oil reserve under current conditions, and that the newly added electricity supply will meet China's demands this year.
Such a calculated move reflects at least four policy priorities of the Chinese leadership on energy security:
- China is refocusing on the self-reliance strategy that depends primarily on domestic energy sources to meet economic development needs;
- Beijing's drive to increase energy and power production to satisfy the explosive demands for energy in the past two years has some initial success;
- China does not want to be seen as so desperate for oil that it would pursue a scorched-earth strategy for energy acquisitions around the world;
- China is learning to play the psychological game in the global marketplace by lowering expectations of China's demands for oil, thus taking away what Beijing believes to be an unjustifiable excuse for big Western oil companies to increase oil prices.
It may well be the case that China's energy demand will slow down substantially this year. It is also true that China, with 22 per cent of the world's population, consumes just over six per cent of global oil production while the United States, with only five per cent of the world's population, uses 20 per cent of the world's daily oil supply.
On a per capita basis, the Chinese only consume a fraction of the oil that their American counterparts do.
BIG GREENHOUSE GAS EMITTER
But China remains the second largest emitter of carbon-dioxide after the Unites States; most of its cities and rivers are severely polluted; it burns three times as much energy as the global average and many times more than industrialized countries in producing every unit of GDP; and it is willing to spend $150 billion on renewable and alternative energy in the next 15 years.
Instead of blaming Beijing for its energy demands or containing China as an energy threat, industrialized countries should seize China's vast energy market potential in technologies of energy conservation and efficiency, environmental protection techniques and know-how, renewable and alternative energy production, and joint-efforts in managing global warming.
A co-operative approach to solving common energy securities concerns between China and the West will moderate Beijing's foreign policy behaviour, thus making easier the task of solving tough issues such as the ongoing Iranian nuclear crisis.
by Wenran Jiang
(Feb 22, 2006)
Edmonton Journal
China's growing appetite for energy has caused widespread concern around the world.
The Middle Kingdom is blamed for the sharp increase in global oil prices in the past few years. The United States is uneasy about Beijing's evolving cosy relations with major oil producers such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Venezuela, many of which are hostile toward Washington. And there are growing calls for containing China as an energy threat in a world of diminishing resources.
But many Chinese are resentful of such attitudes. Rather, they argue that China is the victim of mounting oil prices. In 2004 alone, Beijing spent an extra $7 billion US of its foreign exchange due to climbing oil prices, with payment totalling more than $43 billion US, making oil the country's largest single import item.
While the Western mainstream holds that the global increase in demand -- especially from China and India -- and decreasing spare production capacity will keep oil prices high, Beijing sees the real cause of high oil prices as manipulation of the energy markets by Western government-backed, profit-seeking "international petroleum crocodiles." Reports of huge earnings by Western energy firms only enhance such perceptions.
When the U.S. Congress voted overwhelmingly to block the sale of American energy company Unocal to China's National Offshore Oil Corp. last fall, it became further proof to many in China that the United States doesn't play by market rules -- its intention is to halt China's pace of modernization by keeping energy prices dear and keeping Chinese firms out of the global energy equity market.
CHINESE ENERGY FIRMS BITTER
Chinese energy companies are keenly aware of the volatile situation and high risks involved in their energy investment ventures in Africa, the Middle East and Latin America. And they are bitter when Western media accuse them of being in bed with dictators or "rogue states" as defined by the United States.
Given the perception gap, the recent Chinese debates on energy security have resulted in some people strongly advocating for a speedy buildup of China's navy in order to protect vital energy shipping routes.
Currently, a popular Chinese online novel, The Battle in Protecting Key Oil Routes, depicts a war scenario in 2008 near the Strait of Malacca where the Chinese navy destroys the entire U.S. Pacific carrier group in a decisive sea battle.
But more seriously, all Chinese government officials who talk about energy nowadays emphasize that China is not just the second-largest energy consumer on earth but also the second-largest energy producer, with only six per cent of its annual energy needs coming from abroad.
They quote statistics that China accounts for only three per cent of overall global oil trade. The psychological impact of the dragon's thirst for oil aside, this does not seem to be the number that will drive up energy prices.
Beijing also announced recently that China's demands for external oil grew by only 3.3 per cent last year, which is more than 30 per cent lower than in 2004. "China will import less oil and oil products in 2006 than in the previous years," says Lu Jianhua, director of the foreign trade department of the Ministry of Commerce. "It is unfair to blame China for the rising international oil prices."
Meanwhile, China has begun to implement a range of policies to boost domestic energy exploration and production, together with energy diversification and conservation measures. We also hear that China is not in a hurry to fill its strategic oil reserve under current conditions, and that the newly added electricity supply will meet China's demands this year.
Such a calculated move reflects at least four policy priorities of the Chinese leadership on energy security:
- China is refocusing on the self-reliance strategy that depends primarily on domestic energy sources to meet economic development needs;
- Beijing's drive to increase energy and power production to satisfy the explosive demands for energy in the past two years has some initial success;
- China does not want to be seen as so desperate for oil that it would pursue a scorched-earth strategy for energy acquisitions around the world;
- China is learning to play the psychological game in the global marketplace by lowering expectations of China's demands for oil, thus taking away what Beijing believes to be an unjustifiable excuse for big Western oil companies to increase oil prices.
It may well be the case that China's energy demand will slow down substantially this year. It is also true that China, with 22 per cent of the world's population, consumes just over six per cent of global oil production while the United States, with only five per cent of the world's population, uses 20 per cent of the world's daily oil supply.
On a per capita basis, the Chinese only consume a fraction of the oil that their American counterparts do.
BIG GREENHOUSE GAS EMITTER
But China remains the second largest emitter of carbon-dioxide after the Unites States; most of its cities and rivers are severely polluted; it burns three times as much energy as the global average and many times more than industrialized countries in producing every unit of GDP; and it is willing to spend $150 billion on renewable and alternative energy in the next 15 years.
Instead of blaming Beijing for its energy demands or containing China as an energy threat, industrialized countries should seize China's vast energy market potential in technologies of energy conservation and efficiency, environmental protection techniques and know-how, renewable and alternative energy production, and joint-efforts in managing global warming.
A co-operative approach to solving common energy securities concerns between China and the West will moderate Beijing's foreign policy behaviour, thus making easier the task of solving tough issues such as the ongoing Iranian nuclear crisis.
Friday, February 10, 2006
The world's energy reserves: Where the buffalo roam...
On February 10, 2006, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by the Independence Online Edition on China's commercial interests in Canada's oil sands sector.
The province of Alberta in Canada's west is sitting on the world's second largest oil reserves. Its vast fields cover 149,000 square kilometres, an area larger than England, and experts estimate it holds 1.7 trillion barrels of oil. A mere sliver, 10 per cent, is recoverable at today's oil prices, but that is enough to make Canada's viable supply second only to that of Saudi Arabia.
"Some Americans think one more barrel to China means one less barrel to America," said Professor Jiang. "China's investment is still a cautious one as they watch and see if the oil sands are viable and profitable."
Click here to read the article.
The province of Alberta in Canada's west is sitting on the world's second largest oil reserves. Its vast fields cover 149,000 square kilometres, an area larger than England, and experts estimate it holds 1.7 trillion barrels of oil. A mere sliver, 10 per cent, is recoverable at today's oil prices, but that is enough to make Canada's viable supply second only to that of Saudi Arabia.
"Some Americans think one more barrel to China means one less barrel to America," said Professor Jiang. "China's investment is still a cautious one as they watch and see if the oil sands are viable and profitable."
Click here to read the article.
Thursday, February 09, 2006
Energy reshapes China's priorities
On February 9, 2006, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by Seattel Times on China's global quest for crude oil.
Jiang described the country's energy grab as "driven by desperation." Already there are blackouts in major cities. If development hits a speed bump, the Communist Party in power may lose its grip if it can't deliver jobs and economic growth.
Although China's rise is often viewed negatively in the U.S., evidenced by political interference in the Unocal deal, perceptions of China are more positive elsewhere, Jiang said.
You can read the article here.
Jiang described the country's energy grab as "driven by desperation." Already there are blackouts in major cities. If development hits a speed bump, the Communist Party in power may lose its grip if it can't deliver jobs and economic growth.
Although China's rise is often viewed negatively in the U.S., evidenced by political interference in the Unocal deal, perceptions of China are more positive elsewhere, Jiang said.
You can read the article here.
Thursday, February 02, 2006
Ignoring China's energy needs risky: expert
On February 2, 2006, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by the Business Edge, warning the Canadian government and the energy industry that they must make China more of a priority or risk losing out on potential billions in future business.
You can read the article here.
You can read the article here.
Friday, January 06, 2006
China's energy security strategy
My keynote speech at the 3rd Canadian Oil Sands Summit on January 18th in Calgary. Details of the conference HERE.
Sunday, December 18, 2005
My recent op-ed & comments in the press
CBC Radio Edmonton | On Internet censorship in China, Feb. 22, 2006
BBC | On Sino-Japanese relations, Feb. 22, 2006
BBC | On China-Pakistan relations, Feb. 19, 2006
Aljazeera | On Chinese media: reform or on ice? Feb. 14, 2006
Voice of America | In-stadio guest on Issues & Opinions, Feb. 14, 2006
The Independent | On Canadian oil sands, Feb. 9, 2006
Seattle Times | Report on my talk at Seattle Economists Club, Feb. 9, 2006
Sing Tao Daily | On Canada's new cabinet & relations with China, Feb. 6, 06
Business Edge | On China-Canada energy relations, Feb. 3, 2006
The Standard | Social cost of China's prosperity, Jan. 26, 2006
First Business News | On Canadian election, Jan. 26, 2006
Sing Tao Daily | On Canadian election, Jan. 25, 2006
Ta Kung Pao | On Canada Chinese in Canadian politics, Jan. 24, 2006
BBC World Service | On Canadian election, Jan. 24, 2006
CRI | On Canadian election & Canada-China relations, Jan. 24, 2006
LA Times | On China's energy development strategy, Jan. 23, 2006
BBC World Service | On high police casualties in China, Jan. 23, 2006
New China News Agency | On Chinese Canadians in politics, Jan. 22, 2006
China Brief | Special issue on social unrest in China, Jan. 20, 2006
BBC World Service | On Chinese farmers protest movement, Jan. 15, 2006
Reuters | China's position on Iran's nuclear standoff, Jan. 13, 2006
The Globe & Mail op-ed | The casualties of China's rising tide, Jan. 9, 2006
CBC Radio International | On China's development outlook, Jan. 5, 2006
Sing Tao Daily | On Canadian election & foreign policy, Jan. 4, 2006
China Central TV 9 Dialogue |On the person(s) of the year, Jan. 3, 2006
CBC Radio As It Happens | On the rise of China, Jan. 2, 2006
NPR | On China's crackdown on liberal press, Jan. 2, 2006
BBC World Service| On Hu Jintao's new year address, Jan. 1, 2006
Voice of America | China's latest media crackdown, Dec. 30, 2005
Voice of America | China's latest media crackdown (Chinese), Dec. 30, 2005
BBC World Service| On Japan's relations with China, Dec. 25, 2005
Danish Radio | On China's western development, Dec. 22, 2005
UPI | On China's urban-rural divide, Dec. 19, 2005
BBC World Service | On the Kazakhstan-China pipeline, Dec. 15, 2005
CBC Radio International | On WTO Hong Kong meeting, Dec. 15, 2005
CNN | Internview on China's growing social unrest, Dec. 13, 2005
The Globe & Mail | On East Asia Summit, Dec. 13, 2005
Edmonton Journal | My full page article: Fallout of China's boom, Dec. 11,05
China Brief features my article: The cost of China's modernization, Dec. 6, 05
L.A. Times | On Shonghua River pollution, Dec. 4, 2005
BBC World Service | On the cost of China's modernization, Dec. 4, 2005
Voice of America |On China's increasing coalmine accidents, Dec. 3, 2005
Danish Radio | On the lack of responsibility in China's mines, Dec. 3, 2005
BBC World Service | On Montreal Climate Conference, Dec. 3, 2005
NPR Marketplace | On Songhua River pollution, Dec. 2, 2005
Danish Radio | On China's environment decision making, Dec. 2, 2005
The Straits Times | On China's treatment of bad news, Nov. 30, 2005
China Central TV| On the fall of the Martin cabinet, Nov. 29, 2005
BBC World Service | The "head tax" on Chinese immigrants, Nov. 28, 2005
Voice of America | On China's environmental disasters, Nov. 28, 2005
BBC World Service | On UN climate conference in Montreal, Nov.27, 2005
Danish Radio | On Harbin river pollution & enviroment, Nov. 30, 2005
The Globe & Mail Commentary | Free trade and APEC, Nov. 25, 2005
L.A. Times | On Harbin Songhua river pollution, Nov. 25, 2005
BBC World Service | On CCP commemoration of Hu Yaobang, Nov. 17, 2005
CBC TV NewsWorld | Live on Japan's imperial family politics, Nov. 15, 2005
BBC News World Edition | On rural-urban divide in China, Nov.10, 2005
Xinhua | On my speech at the China Rising conference, Nov. 10, 2005
Edmonton Journal/Ideas | China's hunger for nuclear power, Nov. 9, 2005
The Japan Times | On Sino-Japanese relations, Nov. 8, 2005
CBC Radio Edmonton | On Alberta-China relations, Nov. 4, 2005
BBC World Service | On civilian deaths in Iraq (in Chinese), Oct. 30, 2005
The Globe & Mail | On Chinese perceptions of Canada, Oct. 29, 2005
The Globe & Mail | On Canada's economic ties with China, Oct. 29, 2005
South China Morning Post Column | on Yasukuni, Oct. 20, 2005
The Globe & Mail Column| On Koizumi's visit to Yasukuni, Oct. 18, 2005
South China Morning Post Column | on Chinese politics, Oct. 17, 2005
BBC World Service | On Koizumi's Yasukuni visit (in Chinese), Oct. 17, 2005
BBC World Service | On Rumsfeld's visit to China (in Chinese), Oct. 16, 2005
CBC Viewpoint Column| Chinese leaders' priorities, Oct. 14, 2005
CBC Radio | On Canada-US-China relations, Oct. 14, 2005
Reuters | On China's wealth gap reaching critical level, Oct. 7, 2005
BBC World Service | On East China Sea energy dispute (in Chinese), Oct.4, 2005
BBC World Service | Interview on Iran's nuclear issue (in Chinese), Sept. 25, 2005
The Straits Times | On Hu Jintao's North American visit, Sept. 23, 2005
World Journal | Featured interview on Canada-China relations, Sept. 19, 2005
The Globe & Mail | Comments on Hu Jintao's visit to Canada, Sept. 16, 2005
Knight Rider | Interview on Sino-Japanese relations, Sept. 16, 2005
VOA | Interview on Hu Jintao's North American trip, Sept. 14, 2005
Sing Tao Daily | On Canada-China strategic partnership, Sept. 13, 2005
AFP | On the ruch by the US and China to Alberta oil, Sept. 12, 2005
The Globe & Mail | Commentary: How do we engage China? Sept. 8, 2005
Radio Canada International | On Hu Jintao's visit to Canada, Sept. 8, 2005
Sohu.com | Comments on Hu Jintao's Canadian visit, Sept. 6, 2005
The Macleans | Interview on Chinese politics, Aug. 29, 2005
BusinessWeek | Special on China and India: Experts Roundtable, Aug. 22, 2005
Reuters | Interview on Chinese energy firm CNOOC's bid for Unocal, Aug. 5, 2005
KCRW Radio/NBR | Interview on US-China energy relations, Aug.2, 2005
China Brief | The Unocal Bid: China's Treasure Hunt of the Century, July 19, 2005
Sing Tao Daily | On China's overseas corporate expansion, July 17, 2005
Los Angeles Times | A new player in the Canadian sandbox, July 17, 2005
NPR - To the Point | Panel interview on China's quest for energy, June 29, 2005
BBC | On Sino-Japanese relations, Feb. 22, 2006
BBC | On China-Pakistan relations, Feb. 19, 2006
Aljazeera | On Chinese media: reform or on ice? Feb. 14, 2006
Voice of America | In-stadio guest on Issues & Opinions, Feb. 14, 2006
The Independent | On Canadian oil sands, Feb. 9, 2006
Seattle Times | Report on my talk at Seattle Economists Club, Feb. 9, 2006
Sing Tao Daily | On Canada's new cabinet & relations with China, Feb. 6, 06
Business Edge | On China-Canada energy relations, Feb. 3, 2006
The Standard | Social cost of China's prosperity, Jan. 26, 2006
First Business News | On Canadian election, Jan. 26, 2006
Sing Tao Daily | On Canadian election, Jan. 25, 2006
Ta Kung Pao | On Canada Chinese in Canadian politics, Jan. 24, 2006
BBC World Service | On Canadian election, Jan. 24, 2006
CRI | On Canadian election & Canada-China relations, Jan. 24, 2006
LA Times | On China's energy development strategy, Jan. 23, 2006
BBC World Service | On high police casualties in China, Jan. 23, 2006
New China News Agency | On Chinese Canadians in politics, Jan. 22, 2006
China Brief | Special issue on social unrest in China, Jan. 20, 2006
BBC World Service | On Chinese farmers protest movement, Jan. 15, 2006
Reuters | China's position on Iran's nuclear standoff, Jan. 13, 2006
The Globe & Mail op-ed | The casualties of China's rising tide, Jan. 9, 2006
CBC Radio International | On China's development outlook, Jan. 5, 2006
Sing Tao Daily | On Canadian election & foreign policy, Jan. 4, 2006
China Central TV 9 Dialogue |On the person(s) of the year, Jan. 3, 2006
CBC Radio As It Happens | On the rise of China, Jan. 2, 2006
NPR | On China's crackdown on liberal press, Jan. 2, 2006
BBC World Service| On Hu Jintao's new year address, Jan. 1, 2006
Voice of America | China's latest media crackdown, Dec. 30, 2005
Voice of America | China's latest media crackdown (Chinese), Dec. 30, 2005
BBC World Service| On Japan's relations with China, Dec. 25, 2005
Danish Radio | On China's western development, Dec. 22, 2005
UPI | On China's urban-rural divide, Dec. 19, 2005
BBC World Service | On the Kazakhstan-China pipeline, Dec. 15, 2005
CBC Radio International | On WTO Hong Kong meeting, Dec. 15, 2005
CNN | Internview on China's growing social unrest, Dec. 13, 2005
The Globe & Mail | On East Asia Summit, Dec. 13, 2005
Edmonton Journal | My full page article: Fallout of China's boom, Dec. 11,05
China Brief features my article: The cost of China's modernization, Dec. 6, 05
L.A. Times | On Shonghua River pollution, Dec. 4, 2005
BBC World Service | On the cost of China's modernization, Dec. 4, 2005
Voice of America |On China's increasing coalmine accidents, Dec. 3, 2005
Danish Radio | On the lack of responsibility in China's mines, Dec. 3, 2005
BBC World Service | On Montreal Climate Conference, Dec. 3, 2005
NPR Marketplace | On Songhua River pollution, Dec. 2, 2005
Danish Radio | On China's environment decision making, Dec. 2, 2005
The Straits Times | On China's treatment of bad news, Nov. 30, 2005
China Central TV| On the fall of the Martin cabinet, Nov. 29, 2005
BBC World Service | The "head tax" on Chinese immigrants, Nov. 28, 2005
Voice of America | On China's environmental disasters, Nov. 28, 2005
BBC World Service | On UN climate conference in Montreal, Nov.27, 2005
Danish Radio | On Harbin river pollution & enviroment, Nov. 30, 2005
The Globe & Mail Commentary | Free trade and APEC, Nov. 25, 2005
L.A. Times | On Harbin Songhua river pollution, Nov. 25, 2005
BBC World Service | On CCP commemoration of Hu Yaobang, Nov. 17, 2005
CBC TV NewsWorld | Live on Japan's imperial family politics, Nov. 15, 2005
BBC News World Edition | On rural-urban divide in China, Nov.10, 2005
Xinhua | On my speech at the China Rising conference, Nov. 10, 2005
Edmonton Journal/Ideas | China's hunger for nuclear power, Nov. 9, 2005
The Japan Times | On Sino-Japanese relations, Nov. 8, 2005
CBC Radio Edmonton | On Alberta-China relations, Nov. 4, 2005
BBC World Service | On civilian deaths in Iraq (in Chinese), Oct. 30, 2005
The Globe & Mail | On Chinese perceptions of Canada, Oct. 29, 2005
The Globe & Mail | On Canada's economic ties with China, Oct. 29, 2005
South China Morning Post Column | on Yasukuni, Oct. 20, 2005
The Globe & Mail Column| On Koizumi's visit to Yasukuni, Oct. 18, 2005
South China Morning Post Column | on Chinese politics, Oct. 17, 2005
BBC World Service | On Koizumi's Yasukuni visit (in Chinese), Oct. 17, 2005
BBC World Service | On Rumsfeld's visit to China (in Chinese), Oct. 16, 2005
CBC Viewpoint Column| Chinese leaders' priorities, Oct. 14, 2005
CBC Radio | On Canada-US-China relations, Oct. 14, 2005
Reuters | On China's wealth gap reaching critical level, Oct. 7, 2005
BBC World Service | On East China Sea energy dispute (in Chinese), Oct.4, 2005
BBC World Service | Interview on Iran's nuclear issue (in Chinese), Sept. 25, 2005
The Straits Times | On Hu Jintao's North American visit, Sept. 23, 2005
World Journal | Featured interview on Canada-China relations, Sept. 19, 2005
The Globe & Mail | Comments on Hu Jintao's visit to Canada, Sept. 16, 2005
Knight Rider | Interview on Sino-Japanese relations, Sept. 16, 2005
VOA | Interview on Hu Jintao's North American trip, Sept. 14, 2005
Sing Tao Daily | On Canada-China strategic partnership, Sept. 13, 2005
AFP | On the ruch by the US and China to Alberta oil, Sept. 12, 2005
The Globe & Mail | Commentary: How do we engage China? Sept. 8, 2005
Radio Canada International | On Hu Jintao's visit to Canada, Sept. 8, 2005
Sohu.com | Comments on Hu Jintao's Canadian visit, Sept. 6, 2005
The Macleans | Interview on Chinese politics, Aug. 29, 2005
BusinessWeek | Special on China and India: Experts Roundtable, Aug. 22, 2005
Reuters | Interview on Chinese energy firm CNOOC's bid for Unocal, Aug. 5, 2005
KCRW Radio/NBR | Interview on US-China energy relations, Aug.2, 2005
China Brief | The Unocal Bid: China's Treasure Hunt of the Century, July 19, 2005
Sing Tao Daily | On China's overseas corporate expansion, July 17, 2005
Los Angeles Times | A new player in the Canadian sandbox, July 17, 2005
NPR - To the Point | Panel interview on China's quest for energy, June 29, 2005
Wednesday, November 30, 2005
China: Officials still tend to hide bad news
On November 30, 2005, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by the Straits Times on a recent blast at a PetroChina plant in north-eastern Jilin province on Nov 13, spiltting 100 tonnes of benzene into the Songhua River.
But if change does not come soon, there will be more accidents and deaths -- resulting in high economic cost, warned Professor Jiang.
A systemic overhaul is needed for things to improve, said Prof Jiang. He said: "Detailed instructions on every level of government's role and responsibility must be spelt out. This will ensure officials are accountable as they cannot push the blame to someone else."
Click here to read the article.
But if change does not come soon, there will be more accidents and deaths -- resulting in high economic cost, warned Professor Jiang.
A systemic overhaul is needed for things to improve, said Prof Jiang. He said: "Detailed instructions on every level of government's role and responsibility must be spelt out. This will ensure officials are accountable as they cannot push the blame to someone else."
Click here to read the article.
Monday, November 28, 2005
Coal Mine Explosion Kills 134 Workers in China
On November 28, 2005, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by the Voice of America on the recent mine explosion in northeastern China that killed 134 workers. The blast at Qitaihe in China's Heilongjiang Province happened at a time when China is stocking up on coal supplies ahead of the approaching winter.
"China uses a lot of energy, so therefore [there are] a lot of energy-related accidents. Almost every other week, we have such accidents," Dr. Jiang said. "These are actually partly [caused by] the industrialization process, and partly due to the market-driven, all-for-money drive by local governments."
Read the article here.
"China uses a lot of energy, so therefore [there are] a lot of energy-related accidents. Almost every other week, we have such accidents," Dr. Jiang said. "These are actually partly [caused by] the industrialization process, and partly due to the market-driven, all-for-money drive by local governments."
Read the article here.
Friday, November 25, 2005
With free trade all talk, APEC risks becoming irrelevant
by Wenran Jiang
(Nov 25, 2005)
The Global and Mail
Prime Minister Paul Martin must have heaved a sigh of relief to leave domestic headaches behind for a few days when he flew to South Korea for the annual APEC summit last week.
The Asia Pacific Economic Co-operation forum seems an ideal international stage for Mr. Martin and many of his 20 counterparts to boost their image. Representing more than 40 per cent of the world's population, the APEC group is the largest regional trading bloc, commanding nearly 50 per cent of global trade volume and 60 per cent of GDP. It has generated nearly 70 per cent of global economic growth in the past decade. In a joint declaration, members expressed support for the World Trade Organization talks in Hong Kong next month, combatting the spread of avian flu, and fighting terrorism.
But image-polishing is not quite the same as tangible achievement. Contrary to the carefully chosen theme of this year's forum -- "Toward One Community: Meet the Challenge, Make the Change" -- beneath the surface, APEC is disintegrating into regional and bilateral blocs and lacks the leadership to meet many of its challenges.
Free-trade rhetoric has never been as strongly propagated by governments as the dominant ideology and unmistakable path to prosperity, yet every major global free-trade mechanism has trouble reaching a consensus. The implementation of the WTO's 2001 Doha commitment to global open trade is stalled; the coming talks are at risk because rich countries won't end domestic agricultural subsidies. Similar issues caused the dismal failure of the recently held Summit of the Americas, where the Free Trade Area of the Americas, being negotiated for more than a decade, faced fierce resistance from Southern Latin American states.
The APEC club, hailed as a major free-trade advocate, has done little beyond issue statements. Nor is there any clear road map on how to realize the goals of an Asia Pacific open market by all advanced economies in 2010, followed by all others in 2020.
The APEC community is gradually becoming an empty shell, shrinking into isolated resort gatherings of government elites, while mass protests gain momentum, intensifying global discontent.
While most countries belong to some form of global, regional and bilateral trade regimes, they tend to employ protectionist measures whenever self-perceived interests are at stake. The U.S. refusal to abide by NAFTA rulings over the softwood lumber dispute with Canada is a frustrating example. China complains bitterly that its textile exports, which comply with the WTO-mandated schedule that all barriers be lifted this year, are being blocked by the United States and European Union.
APEC countries are committed to mutual tariff reduction but a mechanism is missing to move beyond paperwork.
Threatened by the growing and perceived protectionist movements, many countries are seeking bilateral and intraregional trade deals, making WTO and larger regional organizations such as APEC more and more a theatre for talk rather than serious action. China has moved to establish a free-trade zone with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN); its free-market status has been recognized by New Zealand and South Korea; Australia and the EU are negotiating with Beijing for the same arrangement; Japan is chasing China, in fear of lagging behind.
Next month, there will be several summits centred on ASEAN and China: The ASEAN plus Three
(China, Japan, South Korea) conference, the ASEAN-India conference, and the ASEAN plus Russia conference.
However, the most visible challenge and alternative to the U.S.-centred Asia Pacific order will come when the first East Asian Summit is held in Malaysia next month. While ASEAN, China, Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand and India will all be at the table, neither the U.S. nor Canada is invited. This is a serious development, if not a setback for Ottawa's Asian diplomacy. Mr. Martin has threatened Washington with closer ties to Asia as a counterbalance to U.S. protectionism. But everyone knows he has no action plan to back up his rhetoric. The only way to get back in the game is to take aggressive measures that reconnect Canada with other Asia Pacific countries. The newly established free-trade negotiation with Japan is a step in the right direction but it is not bold enough. For Canada not to be left out of the world's emerging and most dynamic trading bloc, similar actions must be taken with China and ASEAN.
Unfortunately, rather than asserting much-needed leadership and projecting a distinct Canadian mark on the other side of the Pacific, Mr. Martin is busy marking his calendar for a federal election.
(Nov 25, 2005)
The Global and Mail
Prime Minister Paul Martin must have heaved a sigh of relief to leave domestic headaches behind for a few days when he flew to South Korea for the annual APEC summit last week.
The Asia Pacific Economic Co-operation forum seems an ideal international stage for Mr. Martin and many of his 20 counterparts to boost their image. Representing more than 40 per cent of the world's population, the APEC group is the largest regional trading bloc, commanding nearly 50 per cent of global trade volume and 60 per cent of GDP. It has generated nearly 70 per cent of global economic growth in the past decade. In a joint declaration, members expressed support for the World Trade Organization talks in Hong Kong next month, combatting the spread of avian flu, and fighting terrorism.
But image-polishing is not quite the same as tangible achievement. Contrary to the carefully chosen theme of this year's forum -- "Toward One Community: Meet the Challenge, Make the Change" -- beneath the surface, APEC is disintegrating into regional and bilateral blocs and lacks the leadership to meet many of its challenges.
Free-trade rhetoric has never been as strongly propagated by governments as the dominant ideology and unmistakable path to prosperity, yet every major global free-trade mechanism has trouble reaching a consensus. The implementation of the WTO's 2001 Doha commitment to global open trade is stalled; the coming talks are at risk because rich countries won't end domestic agricultural subsidies. Similar issues caused the dismal failure of the recently held Summit of the Americas, where the Free Trade Area of the Americas, being negotiated for more than a decade, faced fierce resistance from Southern Latin American states.
The APEC club, hailed as a major free-trade advocate, has done little beyond issue statements. Nor is there any clear road map on how to realize the goals of an Asia Pacific open market by all advanced economies in 2010, followed by all others in 2020.
The APEC community is gradually becoming an empty shell, shrinking into isolated resort gatherings of government elites, while mass protests gain momentum, intensifying global discontent.
While most countries belong to some form of global, regional and bilateral trade regimes, they tend to employ protectionist measures whenever self-perceived interests are at stake. The U.S. refusal to abide by NAFTA rulings over the softwood lumber dispute with Canada is a frustrating example. China complains bitterly that its textile exports, which comply with the WTO-mandated schedule that all barriers be lifted this year, are being blocked by the United States and European Union.
APEC countries are committed to mutual tariff reduction but a mechanism is missing to move beyond paperwork.
Threatened by the growing and perceived protectionist movements, many countries are seeking bilateral and intraregional trade deals, making WTO and larger regional organizations such as APEC more and more a theatre for talk rather than serious action. China has moved to establish a free-trade zone with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN); its free-market status has been recognized by New Zealand and South Korea; Australia and the EU are negotiating with Beijing for the same arrangement; Japan is chasing China, in fear of lagging behind.
Next month, there will be several summits centred on ASEAN and China: The ASEAN plus Three
(China, Japan, South Korea) conference, the ASEAN-India conference, and the ASEAN plus Russia conference.
However, the most visible challenge and alternative to the U.S.-centred Asia Pacific order will come when the first East Asian Summit is held in Malaysia next month. While ASEAN, China, Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand and India will all be at the table, neither the U.S. nor Canada is invited. This is a serious development, if not a setback for Ottawa's Asian diplomacy. Mr. Martin has threatened Washington with closer ties to Asia as a counterbalance to U.S. protectionism. But everyone knows he has no action plan to back up his rhetoric. The only way to get back in the game is to take aggressive measures that reconnect Canada with other Asia Pacific countries. The newly established free-trade negotiation with Japan is a step in the right direction but it is not bold enough. For Canada not to be left out of the world's emerging and most dynamic trading bloc, similar actions must be taken with China and ASEAN.
Unfortunately, rather than asserting much-needed leadership and projecting a distinct Canadian mark on the other side of the Pacific, Mr. Martin is busy marking his calendar for a federal election.
Friday, November 11, 2005
China's post-Unocal energy strategy
I was invited to give the opening keynote speech on this subject at the Regional Economic Leadership Forum, Whistler, BC on Nov. 17, 2005, organized by Pacific NorthWest Economic Region.
Is China's media fairer toward Japan?
This Japan Times article, with my interview in it, is also carried by China's offical China Daily.
Thursday, November 10, 2005
China celebrates 50 years of nuclear achievements
My latest article in the Jamestown Foundation's China Brief. READ HEAR.
Monday, October 31, 2005
Sunday, October 23, 2005
Honouring aggression at Yasukuni
South China Morning PostKOIZUMI'S PILGRIMAGE
Honouring aggression at Yasukuni
WENRAN JIANG
In open defiance against growing domestic and international criticism, Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi went to the Yasukuni Shrine on Monday, his fifth such visit since coming to power in 2001. The following day, a large number of other politicians paid tribute at the shrine.
Two weeks ago, a Japanese high court ruled that Mr Koizumi's pilgrimage to Yasukuni, where convicted war criminals are honoured among the war dead, violated the constitutional separation of church and state. A number of Asian countries - former victims of Japanese militarism - have always opposed such visits. They have repeatedly asked Mr Koizumi not to go to the shrine this year, the 60th anniversary of the end of the second world war.
Mr Koizumi's latest action immediately pushed Japan's relations with its neighbours to a new low. China, South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan all lodged strong protests. Scheduled diplomatic meetings between Tokyo and other Asian capitals were cancelled or postponed.
But the long-term damage to the region by the latest shrine visit will become even more severe. Unlike in Europe, where Germany's thorough reflection on history has led to continental reconciliation, East Asia has suffered from Japan's lack of remorse for its aggressive war. The annual visit to Yasukuni by Mr Koizumi and a large number of Japanese parliamentarians simply makes a mockery of any "sincere apologies" offered in the past.
First, Mr Koizumi and company justify the shrine visit as following Japanese culture and tradition. But Yasukuni was created by the Japanese government, in the late 19th century, to honour overseas expansion and imperialist war efforts. It was the designated institution for state Shinto indoctrination and the propaganda and mobilisation centre of Japanese militarism.
Yasukuni represents a culture of blind obedience to a totalitarian state, and a tradition of colonialism and imperialism through war and aggression.
Second, Mr Koizumi rebutted criticism by insisting that he goes to Yasukuni only to show respect to those who sacrificed themselves for the country's current prosperity, and to pray for peace. Yet, if one takes a tour of the war museum attached to the shrine, as I did a few months ago, it is clear that the shrine demands all who pray there should live the way those enshrined there lived.
At the shrine you find a history that says Japan did no wrong, and waged no aggressive wars, in the past. It claims all the sacrifices made by Japanese were not for a militaristic state, but for Japan's own defence and for liberating Asians from white imperialism.
Third, the prime minister has accused Beijing and Seoul of interfering in Japan's domestic affairs. Knowing full well the potential for backlash from neighbouring countries, Mr Koizumi promised right-wing groups that he would make annual visits to the shrine in exchange for their support in his leadership bid four years ago.
He then manipulated the Japanese public's resentment of foreign criticism by presenting himself as standing tall. As a result, he managed to remain popular and even won a majority in the recent lower-house election.
Unfortunately, Mr Koizumi has faced only a very limited domestic challenge to his shrine pilgrimages. That is another reflection of his country's failure as a democracy to collectively face its war responsibilities.
The Japanese voters who put Mr Koizumi in office should pursue a much brighter option, constructing a path to reconciliation in East Asia while firmly blocking the way to Yasukuni.
Wenran Jiang is an associate professor of political science at the University of Alberta, Canada.
Wednesday, October 19, 2005
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