Road to Riches Ends for 20 Million Chinese Poor

February 20, 2009, Dr. Jiang was quoted by CNN on China's gloomy labor market for the 20 million migrant workers during the recent economic slowdown.

To read the article, please click here.

My Exclusive Interview with Duowei News Agency on U.S. President Obama's First Overseas Visit to Canada

February 18, 2009, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by Duowei News Agency on U.S. President Obama's first overseas visit to Canada. In the article, he noted that the visit is largely symbolic, along with some real business to be discussed.

To read the entire article in Chinese, please click here.

Duowei News Agency is owned by Chinese Media Net Inc. (CMN), an ethnic media group which operates in the U.S., Canada and Hong Kong.

Beijing's Responses to Falling Oil Prices

February 4, 2009, Dr. Jiang was invited to write an article for China Brief, an online journal published by the Jamestown Foundation, on the Chinese government's recent energy security policy responding to falling oil prices and world financial crisis.

Please read the article here.

Dr. Jiang is a regular contributor to the China Brief, for his previously published articles, please click here.

China’s Towering Tests

Edmonton Journal
January 31, 2009
By: Wenran Jiang

After a dramatic 2008, the Year of the Ox could bring soul-searching and unrest

As China enters the "Year of the Ox," there is much to reflect on from the past year and even more to speculate about the coming year.

2008 began with snowstorms that paralyzed most of central and southern China's transport system, interrupting lives and causing severe material damage. Then came the riots in Tibet, which caught the government off guard, followed by embarrassing protests over China's Olympic torch relay in several Western and Asian countries.

As Chinese were wondering why 2008, a year of supposed good fortune marked by the lucky number eight, had started with so much misfortune, an earthquake struck Sichuan province, killing 80,000 people and leaving millions homeless. Emerging more united from this tragedy, the country welcomed the world to the long-anticipated Olympics, which were remarkably successful, but were soon superseded by the tainted-dairy-product scandal in which many babies became ill, and some died.

In contrast to last year, when the rush home for the lunar New Year celebration was hampered by freak storms, this year millions of migrant workers have already returned to their rural homes. Many will be staying there, because the global economic downturn has hit China hard, costing them their jobs. According to the latest numbers, the growth rates of both China's industrial output and GDP have declined sharply in the fourth quarter of 2008, and more than 10 million migrant workers have lost their jobs.

A year of searing milestones Littered with a host of extremely sensitive anniversaries, 2009 could prove even more dramatic and unpredictable than 2008.

Fast approaching is not only the March anniversary of last year's disturbances in Tibet, but also the 50th anniversary of Tibetan unrest in 1959 that led to the exile of the Dalai Lama and his supporters.

Since the riots last spring, China's government has taken many proactive measures, even adopting a "Serf Liberation Day," to defend its record in Tibet of the past 50 years, while continuing to talk with the Dalai Lama's representatives. But it has also implemented heavy-handed police and military controls.

Then comes the 20th anniversary of the June 4 crackdown on the Tiananmen Square student demonstrations. Calls to re-evaluate the official response began when President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao came to power seven years ago. But recently, the pressure has intensified, especially with the publication of "Charter 08," a manifesto signed by hundreds of Chinese intellectuals, journalists, lawyers, and ordinary citizens, criticizing the government's rights record and demanding more democratic reform, press freedom, governmental transparency, and societal openness.

Although neither Hu nor Wen were directly involved in the crackdown, they nonetheless must tread carefully. Doing everything possible to avoid a repeat of the 1989 scenario may well be the Communist Party leadership's top priority in 2009. And, given the economic slowdown, widening income disparity, rising unemployment, and growing popular discontent over corruption, China's leaders will have their hands full.

Of course, the inspiration for almost every political reform movement in China is the May 4th Movement of 1919, when Chinese students protested against a weak and corrupt government and called for China to strengthen itself by adopting two key Western ideals: democracy and science. As the 90th anniversary approaches, China has made great strides in science, but still has a long way to go in terms of democracy.

Less known but no less sensitive is the 10th anniversary of the government's ban on Falun Gong, an organization of self-claimed religious and meditation practitioners that has challenged the Communist Party's legitimacy. Though largely discredited inside the country, this militant movement still has a following around the world, and further protests may come at any time and in unpredictable forms.

While some of the plethora of anniversaries that China's leaders must confront are potentially very destabilizing, several have, and will, work in their favour. For example, the 30th anniversary of China's reform movement and the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and the United States has been a much-celebrated event this January.

Republic will be 60 years old More importantly, October will mark the 60th anniversary of the founding of the Peoples' Republic of China, an occasion that the Party will commemorate in grand style. After all, the Middle Kingdom has re-emerged as the world's third-largest economy (having recently replaced Germany), sent astronauts into space, dispatched advanced naval destroyers to the Horn of Africa, and become the largest holder of U.S. foreign debt. China will want to flex its muscles and proclaim to the world that the Party has delivered the goods to its people, while making the country strong and prosperous.

As the worst recession since the 1930s continues, both the American and Chinese economies are bound to suffer further setbacks. There is no guarantee that protectionist and xenophobic sentiment in America will not hit China-U.S. relations, or that the economic downturn will not fuel new unrest in China.

Already, the new U.S. treasury secretary, Timothy Geithner, has accused China of "manipulating its currencies," a term that was not used by the former Bush administration and that may have serious consequences for U.S.-China trade relations. During his campaign, Barack Obama used the same language. And Chinese officials have hit back at the new U.S. administration's criticism.

There is also a gathering storm over who is to blame for the U.S. and worldwide financial crisis. Some have argued it was the Chinese continuous purchasing of U.S. treasury bounds and the influx of cheap Chinese goods over the years that are responsible for the subprime mortgage crisis and the U.S. recession, a position rejected by Beijing.

So far it is not that clear how the Obama administration is going to handle its China policy. But one thing is clear: without further Chinese commitment to buy a large amount of U.S.-issued debt, Obama will not be able to pay for his administration's massive stimulus package. Nor will China be overly accommodating to foreign demands when its own domestic situation is turning so volatile.

The world should not misjudge the effect of such disputes and troubles on China. Nor should it forget China's fierce display of nationalism in response to Western protests of the Olympic torch relay, the extraordinary patriotism that swept the country in response to the Sichuan earthquake, and the national pride evinced by the Olympic Games.

But in 2009, it would be a demonstration of courage if China's leadership also takes note of the need to continue assuring the world of its commitment to a "peaceful rise," and to do so by boldly addressing some of the unresolved issues this year's anniversaries will highlight.

the Chinese Economy and More

January 29, 2009, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by CBC Radio Edmonton, Hop Spot Columnist live, on the Chinese economy and the many uncertain anniversary events in China in the year of 2009.

Social Costs of China's Prosperity

by Wenran Jiang
(Jan 23, 2006)
The Standard

China continues to impress the world with its high GDP growth, staggering trading volumes and surging consumption appetite. Most figures out of Beijing look remarkable, indicating a momentum that the Middle Kingdom is reclaiming its great power status at a speed faster than most forecasts.

Yet evidence is mounting that the high-GDP-centered development paradigm is too costly to sustain: rural, urban and environment-related protest movements are moving from being localized and isolated events to becoming a widespread and serious social crisis.

Some may point to Beijing's newly revised GDP figures as proof of China's successful modernization: its national strength is now 17 percent more than previously thought, allowing China to leap over Italy, France and Britain to become the fourth largest economy in the world; its economic structure seems to be more balanced with a much bigger service industry than previously reported; and China's foreign trade grew by nearly a quarter last year while its foreign reserves tripled.

Yet other recently released numbers, which have received less coverage, indicate a troublesome trend.
As revealed by the China Human Development Report 2005, regional disparities are threatening the country's growth potential, and the widening urban-rural income distribution gap has reached a dangerous level.

Compiled by a group of Chinese researchers for the United Nations Development Program, the report demonstrates that in all major categories of the human development index - from per capita income to life expectancy to literacy rate - regional imbalances are severe and growing.

It concludes that China's Gini coefficient, a measurement of a country's income inequality, has increased by more than 50 percent in the past 20 years, with urban dwellers earning nearly four times that of rural residents.

At 0.46, the mainland's Gini coefficient is lower than in some Latin American and African countries, but its urban-rural income inequality is perhaps the highest in the world.

The new GDP numbers only make the inequality worse, and when systemic factors biased against the rural population are included, the urban-rural income ratio is as high as six to one.

The UNDP report also shows that the inland regions lag behind in education, especially among the female population.

Only two decades ago, China was one of the most equal societies on earth. Today, it ranks 90th in the UNDP's 131-nation human development index.

It is ironic that while 250 million people have been lifted out of poverty in record time - a proud achievement that no one denies - the mainland is also leading the world in creating one of the most unequal societies in history.

The Chinese government has repeatedly told the world that it needs social stability to develop its economy, and Beijing claims to value economic and social rights more than political rights.

The question is whether China's traditional political control plus the new economic and social exclusion of the majority of its population can be accepted as a model of development by those who are now excluded from China's growing prosperity.

Newly released reports from the central government cite 87,000 incidents of public order disturbances last year, up 6.6 percent from the 74,000 figure in 2004; the number of events that interfered with government functions jumped 19 percent, while protests seen as disturbing social order grew by 13 percent in 2005.

Some say that the figures are not surprising and that these may not even be new developments: they show that Beijing now allows more reporting of these protests that have existed for a long time.

Beijing even puts its spin on reports of social disorder, claiming that it is now more democratic by allowing the protests to occur and then informing the public about them.

Despite the differences in assessment, the emerging consensus is that various grassroots protests are increasing in numbers, are better organized, and often turn violent when local officials are no longer seen as working to solve ordinary people's legitimate grievances.

Again, the UNDP survey of Chinese public perception of income distribution gaps reveals popular demand for social justice and potential support for radical actions: more than 80 percent of those surveyed believe that China's current income distribution is either not so equitable or very inequitable.

Meanwhile, a recent global study by the Pew Global Attitude Project seems to contradict such pessimism.

Around 72 percent of Chinese, the highest among 16 countries polled, expressed satisfaction with national conditions. Although the survey acknowledges that the sample is disproportionately urban and is not representative of the entire country, it does convey one important message that the pollsters failed to recognize: mainlanders have extremely high expectations about benefiting from the country's ongoing economic expansion; if such high expectations are not met in the near future, their frustrations may turn to demands for equity and social justice.

Between the 1950s and 1970s, most mainlanders were very poor, but relatively equal; thus social protests were rare and the Chinese Communist Party asserted control with little concern for large-scale grassroots unrest.

Today's China, after more than two decades of reform, is much more prosperous but, at the same time, a very unequal society.

Historical experiences show that when a country is embarking on rapid economic growth, social mobility accelerates and people's expectations for their own share of the prosperity increase. Yet, at the same time, income distribution gaps widen and, with a few exceptions, only a small portion of the population enjoys the benefits of the country's modernization drive.

Such a paradoxical process often results in rising resentment among the populace and leads to large-scale protests for a more equitable distribution of wealth.

China today is at such a crossroads of unprecedented prosperity, high, unmet expectations, and growing frustrations with perceived social injustice.

The current leadership, headed by President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, is keenly aware of the growing disparity and its serious consequences. After years of promoting Deng Xiaoping's famous call - to get rich is glorious - the harmonious society seems to have become a central pillar of the Hu-Wen approach to easing China's social tensions.

Despite a number of measures - ranging from investment in remote regions to elimination of agricultural taxes to campaigns against corruption - social unrest is on the rise. With some of the recent bloody confrontations between peasants and local authorities, many wonder if some kind of a tipping point for a social crisis will arrive soon.

Revolutionary change, most evident in Russia in 1917, is precipitated by three conditions: first, the masses can no longer be governed; second, the ruling elites can no longer govern; and third, the social forces are fully mobilized under the leadership of a revolutionary party to overthrow the existing regime. By these standards, China is nowhere close to the tipping point.

Yet it would be a profound mistake to take comfort from such abstract conclusions. The first two conditions have been progressively deteriorating in recent years: widespread social protests are increasing; and the corruption of government and party officials, and the plight of ordinary citizens at the hands of abusive local officials, have weakened the governance structure.

A deadly combination of these two elements could lead to a widespread belief that the majority of the population is not left behind because of its own weakness in competing with others for a better life; rather, it is the corrupt officials and the privileged few who have enriched themselves through exploitation and at the expense of the masses.

This perception may foster pressures that fundamentally reconfigure the existing social, economic, and political order.

This process may well be accelerated if the inevitable economic slowdown in the coming years and natural, environmental and other human-made disasters occur simultaneously.

An externally-imposed, alternative political mechanism is unlikely, if possible at all, given China's tightly controlled conditions. Yet a governance crisis of such magnitude is likely to trigger an internal split within the party ruling elites, with reform-oriented forces openly confronting hardliners who advocate total control by force.

The most challenging task for China and the world today is how to avoid such dangerous showdowns with reforms that effectively address the issue of income inequality, social injustice and lack of democratization.

the New US President and the Prospects of Canada-US Relations and US-China Relations

January 15, 2009, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by CBC Radio International Chinese broadcasting, on the coming new US President Barack Obama and the prospects of Canada-US relations and US-China relations.

Chinese Inroads in DR Congo: A Chinese "Marshall Plan" or Business?

January 12, 2009, Dr. Jiang contributed an article on China Brief with respect to China's growing presence in Democratic Republic of Congo, and particularly, a 9 billion dollar mining and infrastructure construction deal entered into between state-owned Chinese investors and the government of Democratic Republic of Congo.

Read the article here.

The same article is also available on Asia Times Online here.

CBC Radio Interview on Chinese economy

The fact that China has come to dominate an industry that was banned 30 years ago shows just how much the country has changed. Three decades ago -- under Deng Xiao Ping -- China changed gears radically and joined the world market.

Today, it's a manufacturing juggernaut and 40 per cent of the country's wealth comes from exports. But with the global economy tanking, many of China's best customers don't look like they'll be buying much in 2009. That suggests tough times ahead for China.

To listen to the audio clip, please click here, and on that webpage, turn on the build-in Adobe flash player "Listen to Part Two".

ID card proponents push for single system

On December 12, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted by Ontarion newspaper Business Edge on a proposal calling for the creation of a single identification-card system that can be used by frequent business travellers in both North America and Asia.

He noted that this new system would be a welcome step for travellers as it could reduce the stress associated with customs clearance. To read the story, click here.

Appointment of Hillary Clinton and its potential impact on US-China relations

On December 2, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by BBC World Report Chinese Service on the implications of the appointment of Hillary Clinton as the US Secretary of State in the Obama administration and its potential impact on US-China relations.

China’s influence among African nations spurs concerns

On November 30, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted by Altanta Journal Constitution on China's growing influence among African nations. He noted that while China looks at Africa strategically as a continent that has resources it needs to drive its economy forward, concern has grown in the United States and Europe that Beijing’s influence will have negative impacts.

Read the article here.

Terrorist attacks at Mumbai and its impact on the rise of India as a major world power

On November 27, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by CBC Radio Edmonton, as regular Hop Spot Columnist, discussing the terrorist attacks at Mumbai, India, its implications for the region and the world, and its impact on the rise of India as a major world power.

Opening-up, reform policy brings earthshaking changes to China

On November 27, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted by Xinhua News Agency on China's significant achievements in the fields of economic performance, democracy, human rights and legal system.

The year 2008 marks the 30th anniversary of the initiation of China's reform and open-market policy, he noted that during the past three decades, China has been immersed fully with the international community and is playing an increasingly larger role in global political and economic affairs.

Read the aticle here.

For a similar report in Chinese, please click here.

Cross-strait ties meet choppy waters

On November 11, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by CCTV on the recent cross-strait relationship amid Chen Yunlin's contraversial visit to Taiwan in November. Chen is the chairman of the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits. His visit sparked wide spread protests by pro-independent residents in Taiwan.

Watch the video here.

China and SCO Unite Against Challenges

November 01, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by CCTV on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization's recent summit aiming to tackle the recent global financial crisis.

Watch the video here.

The credit crisis and the world's financial architecture

On October 23, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed in The Agenda program on TVO. The topic was "The credit crisis and the world's financial architecture: Are 20th century institutions up to the task of managing 21st century problems?"

Dr. Jiang stated that developing nations like China should be given an elevated position within the decision-making and agenda-setting structure of World Bank and International Monetary Fund.

To listen to this edition's podcast, please click here.

OMNI TV Interview on Canadian election

On October. 6, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by the OMNI TV Chinese language program on the Canadian election, the political attitudes of Chinese Canadians, and the new government's likely policy orientations on Canada-China relations.

BBC Interview on North Korea nuclear crisis

On Ocober 2, 2008. Dr. Jiang was interviewed by the BBC World Service Chinese Program on the new development of the North Korea nuclear crisis. With North Korea demanding that the seals by the International Atomic Energy Agency be removed, its intention of re-starting its nuclear program was clear. Dr. Jiang commented on the situation and the complexities involved, and the potential role of China.

CBC Radio Hop Spot Interview on China's tainted dairy products

On October 2, 2008. Dr. Jiang appeared live on CBC Radio Edmonton's Hot Spot segment with host Peter Brown, and gave his analysis on the latest outbreak of tainted dairy products scandals in China.

There are more than 53,000 babies got sick, over 15,000 hospitalized and 4 have died in the wide-spread fraud and scandal that have caused outrage in China and sent alarms around the world. In Canada, the United States and many other countries, many products containing dairy elements from China have been so far recalled. In the show, Dr. Jiang discussed the current development and its implications.

Is the West too hard on China?

Wenran's Saturday essay on the Globe and Mail has generated a lot of comments from the paper's readers across Canada. On August 11, Monday, he appeared online and responded to a number of questions posted on the paper's website. You can read the introduction and the discussion through the links.

Canadians arrested over pro-Tibet demonstration

On August 10, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted by Canwest News Service's news report "Canadians arrested over pro-Tibet demonstration." Dr. Jiang is of the view that while the Canadian protesters likely have good intentions, their decision to use the Olympics as a podium for denouncing China's human rights record may actually be counterproductive.

You can read the article here.

Dr. Jiang was also quoted for the same topic by CTV. Read a brief news report from CTV's website here.

Interview by CTV on Harper's decision of not going to Beijing for the Olympics

Sentiment towards Stephen Harper in the Chinese community is less than loving after his decision not to go to China during the summer games. On August 10, 2008, Dr. Wenran Jiang appeared on CTV's Question Period discussing Harper's absence and its broader implications for Canada-China relations.

You can watch the clip here.

Revolution from below

WENRAN JIANG

From Saturday's Globe and Mail

August 8, 2008 at 10:12 PM EDT

By any measure, the opening ceremonies of the Beijing Olympics yesterday were a spectacular show. But in the weeks before this highly anticipated and in many ways controversial event, there has been hardly any good news. And the narrative from most of the Western media has been something like this: Back in 2001, China promised to behave and improve its human-rights records, in exchange for hosting the Games, but has broken its promises; there is more repression of Tibetans and other minorities, more jailing of dissidents, more harassment of the foreign press, more pollution, more censorship; in short, China is not democratizing.

Some of these concerns are genuine and understandable. After all, the Olympics is a great occasion for people from around world to celebrate the human spirit, to have their national teams compete under fair rules, and to bring us all closer together, as a global family. The host nation is called upon to live up to high expectations. China must learn to live with international scrutiny and with protests both inside and outside its borders. But the heavy reporting of negative news is painting an incomplete picture.

Few people I have talked to during my frequent visits to China accept the story that their country is worse off in terms of human rights than in 2001.

We can put aside the government's self-promoting claims, but well-informed Chinese believe that China has made considerable strides in human rights in the past seven years. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the United Nations recognizes freedom from poverty as a major category of human rights. China has lifted some 100 million people out of poverty. Despite severe limitations, there are hundreds of new legislative enactments that protect property rights and workers' rights. China has abolished a system that restricted freedom of movement among regions, and citizens can hold on to their passports to travel abroad. The Supreme People's Court now reviews all death sentences. The children of migrant workers can go to school in the urban centres where their parents work. And China has joined more international human-rights treaties.

There are serious problems of implementation and of government interference, but these tangible steps are moving China toward the rule of law.

To enumerate these advances is not to endorse the Chinese government. They are mainly due to the Chinese people's continuous struggle, often against the mighty control apparatus of an authoritarian state.

Even in the political sphere, there is expanded leeway. China now leads the world in the number of Internet users – 250 million – and cellphone subscribers – more than 550 million people, who send tens of billions of short messages a day. Despite censorship, they use these new tools to push for more rights and openness, and to challenge the authorities with rising success.

The government still interferes, still rounds up severe critics, and has made life harder for foreign reporters since the Tibetan crisis in March. But China's progress since 2001 has been largely along the positive trajectory of the past three decades.

The Chinese enjoy more freedom than at any time in recent history. Ordinary Chinese people enthusiastically support the Beijing Olympics, contrary to many critics who label the Games as a government propaganda showcase.

The protests against the Olympic torch relays in London, Paris, and other cities in Western countries strengthened that feeling. Though not very fond of many aspects of the government, most of the Chinese people were outraged by those who spoke of the “genocide Olympics.” They want to have a good sports party, and they want to have a good time, like everybody else around the world. Their passion is for the basketball star Yao Ming and the Olympic gold hurdler Liu Xiang. They don't like to be lumped together with their government, and resent the exploitation of the occasion for political purposes.

Comparisons of the 2008 Beijing Olympics to the Nazi regime's 1936 Games in Berlin are profoundly ignorant. Whereas Hitler's tyranny in Germany was intensifying through the 1930s, China has moved away from the personal dictatorship of Mao toward a more collective leadership. Whereas Germany went on to launch aggressive wars against other countries after the 1936 Games, leading to the disasters of the Second World War, China has in recent years pursued a good-neighbour policy and settled almost all its border disputes with the surrounding countries.

In addition to keeping a sense of balance in assessing where China is today, we also have to be realistic and patient about where China should be. Clearly, many human-rights advocates have strongly hoped and wished that the 2008 Beijing Olympics would follow the pattern of the 1988 Seoul Olympics in South Korea – that is, the Games would shortly lead to Western-style democratization. With a growing realization that this is unlikely to happen, some people have questioned the usefulness and even the legitimacy of having granted the Summer Games to Beijing in the first place.

Others, more moderately, have complained that neither human-rights groups nor the Western news media are doing a good job in highlighting China's human rights-problems, with the result that this Olympic year will be a sadly missed opportunity.

Such a perspective, well intentioned though it is, seems to have ignored the lessons from the Tibetan crisis and the Olympic torch relay protests earlier this year: A well-organized movement intended to raise awareness of the Chinese government's Tibetan policy overstepped into an attack on the Chinese people themselves, as if they were not worthy of hosting the Olympics. Scenes such as that of pro-Tibetan independence protesters violently seizing the Olympic torch from a wheelchair-bound female Paralympian in Paris were counterproductive; they angered the Chinese public and pushed them to rally around the government, strengthening the hand of the hardliners.

To have counted on the Beijing Olympics to deliver a fast political miracle inside China, or anything else that the outside world might have wanted, was both unrealistic and shortsighted. We need to ask: What happens to China, to all the problems and challenges it faces at the end of this month when the Games are over? What is the leverage then?

At the root of the “whatever China does, it is not good enough” attitude is a heavy dose of old colonial attitudes and racial prejudice, in the widely shared, although not always explicitly acknowledged assumption in both our elite and popular discourse that the West knows what is best for China, and must impose its values and guide the country in the direction the West wants.

Many critics do not understand that the real agent of change in China is neither foreigners nor the Chinese government. The Chinese people are the forces that move China forward. The media should refrain from portraying them as passive and ignorant followers of a Communist dictatorship or as a mass of nationalistic and xenophobic robots lacking in independent judgment.

With or without the Olympics, China's long march toward modernity and democracy will be driven primarily by internal dynamics, managed by the Chinese themselves and at their own pace. The Chinese people want human rights and democracy no less than we Canadians do. We certainly should not think that they demand less or deserve less. For most Chinese, the key questions are not about whether China will become a democracy, but rather how to get there, how long it will take and in what form.

Even the Chinese government is not a monolithic bloc. Internal debates on China's future go on all the time. Battles between reform-oriented leaders and the factions of repression and control are all part of the Chinese process of political reform.

The best the West can do is to support the progressive forces in China, as they transform that country as they have in the past 30 years. The speed of change may be not as fast as we wish, but we need to manage our expectations, just as the Chinese people have managed theirs.

In any case, the Olympics as an international event will have a beneficial impact on many aspects of China's development. China is a very open country now, more so than most people in the West realize. But the Games will push that openness further, and make the Chinese people more aware of the outside world. Let's look beyond what has happened in the past few months and what may come in the next few, and measure things with some historical depth. Decades later, many Chinese who are young now may well look back proudly and define the “patriot Games” of 2008 as the moment that transformed them into internationalists.

China is aiming at getting as many Olympic medals as the American contingent in the Summer Games. It has come a long way since the days when it was called the “Sick Man of Asia.” The Chinese have good reasons to be proud at their coming-out party. We should not hold back in pointing out China's problems, but we should also give credit to the Chinese people and wish the Beijing Olympics great success.

Discussion, Monday: Is the West too hard on China?

China: Panda or Dragon?

On August 7, 2008, Dr. Wenran Jiang was quoted in the Oilweek, commenting on Canada-China relations and how that has affected the China's outbound resources investment in Alberta. Read it here.

David Emerson crucial for improving Canada-China relation, but more need to be done by the Feds

On August 6, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by Sing Tao Daily (Toronto Edition), commenting on the recent Canada-China relation. He believes Emerson's role is enormously important for improving the strained bilateral relation, but more direct initiatives need to be shown from the Harper government. (full report)

Getting in Shape for Games, China Strengthens Ties With Neighbors

On August 5, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted in the New York Times on China's improving relationship with neighboring Japan and Beijing's decision-making process for inviting former Japanese prime minister Abe to China in 2006. You can read the whole story here.

The deadly militant attack in Xinjiang

On August 5, 2008, Dr. Jiang gave a live interview to CTV Newsnet on the militant attack in China's far west province Xinjiang and who might be responsible.

You can watch the clip by clicking the link below the "VIDEO" header located at the center of the CTV webpage, or through its direct link.

David Emerson's appointment is "enormously important" for improving Canada-China relations

On August 4, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted in the Globe and Mail, commenting that the new Canadian foreign minister David Emerson's appointment is "enormously important" for improving Canada-China relations. Read it here.

On Cross Country Checkup ...Beijing Olympics

On August 3, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by CBC Cross Country Checkup as invited expert to comment on the theme "Was China the right choice for the 2008 summer Olympic games?". You can find the audio link here.

GlobeSalon Featured Topic: What do you think of China as Olympic host?

On July 29, 2008, Dr. Jiang was invited to participate in GlobeSalon, a web based bulletin board hosted by the Global and Mail. In that day's feature, commentators around the world opined what they think of China as Olympic host. Dr. Jiang offered a different perspective on China's recent political development as it approaches the Olympic month. Read it here.

commenting on a recent report claiming China's human rights record worsening

On July 29, 2008, Dr. Jiang gave a live interview to CTV Newsnet on July 29 on human rights and other issues in China prior to the Olympic games.

You can watch the clip by clicking the link below the "Video" header located at the center of the CTV webpage, or through its direct link.

Which spirit of nation will prevail in rise to greatness?

On July 26, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted in the Global and Mail, revisiting the issue of Chinese nationalism days before the Beijing Olympics. Read it here.

A new China appears amid quake rubble

On June 17, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted in the Los Angeles Times on how China has been transforming itself, both internally and externally, in the aftermath of the Sichuan earthquake. Read it here.

Governments have key roles in building ties

On June 12, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted in the Vancouver Sun, urging Canada's federal government to engage China on both political and economic frontier. Read it here.

Parents' losses compounded by China's one-child policy

On June 8, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by CBC Newsworld on China's one-child policy and its implication for bereaved parents who lost their children in the Sichuan Earthquake. View the video clip here.

China earthquake response highlights need for greater understanding

On June 06, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by U of A Express News on the response of the government and people of China in the aftermath of the Sichuan earthquake. Read it here.

For China, an opportunity in crisis

On June 05, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted in the Asia Times Online on how the international community could contribute to the quake-ravaged region in the aftermath of the Sichuan earthquake. Read it here.

China Quake: Controls Cautiously Lifted on Flood of Volunteers

On May 29, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted in the Christian Science Monitor on Chinese government's recent attitude toward civil activism in the aftermath of the Sichuan earthquake. Read it here.

Harper's China policy is not to have one

Wenran Jiang
28 May 2008
Ottawa Citizen

Prime Minister Stephen Harper is in Europe this week in part to lobby the leaders of Britain, France, Germany and Italy to pressure China on the issue of global warming. Even putting aside Canada's dismal record on controlling its own emission of CO2 for a moment, don't you wonder why Mr. Harper ventures into building a "coalition of the willing" before talking to the Chinese leaders?

After all, other heads of major industrialized countries visit China or receive their Chinese counterparts in their own capitals on a regular basis, and some of them do multiple mutual visits a year. U.S. President George W. Bush claims that he can just pick up the phone and talk to Chinese President Hu Jintao. French President Nicolas Sarkozy went to China only months after assuming his post, openly challenged the Chinese on global warming responsibilities, and then with a stroke of a pen, signed $30 billion worth of contracts selling Airbus planes and nuclear reactors.

British Prime Minister Gordon Brown travelled to China in January, also within months of taking over from Tony Blair. Joined by Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao, Brown engaged the Chinese people in a Q and A "town hall" meeting on a range of issues, offered to host 100 Chinese firms in Britain and promised to boost bilateral trade by 50 per cent, all in the next two years.

Australia's new Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, a China expert in his early training, headed to Beijing during the recent Tibet crisis. He delivered a speech in fluent Mandarin at Peking University. It was friendly, but frank, bringing up the Tibet issue. Instead of being booted, he was praised as being honest. His predecessor, the Conservative John Howard, actively engaged China, securing some $40 billion in long-term trade deals that have boosted the Australian economy.

So Mr. Harper's counterparts in Europe are likely to look him in the eye and ask two questions: Do you have strong environmental policy credentials at home? What do you have to offer from your own interactions with the Chinese leadership on the subject of global warming? Mr. Harper has neither.

While the world is busy engaging China for easily identifiable reasons, Mr. Harper has been missing in action. Two and half years after President Hu last visited Canada (fall of 2005) and more than two years after the Conservatives came to power, Mr. Harper has yet to find Beijing on the map, not to mention take a trip there anytime soon.

Foreign-policy and China-watching communities have both speculated and heard many reasons for Mr. Harper's lack of initiatives on China. First, there was the talk of an inexperienced young team that may take time to get the China file moving. Then, there was the all-consuming foreign policy challenge of Afghanistan that had to take priority over other things. Then there was the ever-looming domestic election that might come at any time, so a minority government must take care of that first ...

They all bear some truth. But they also sound more like bad excuses now that the Conservatives have been in office for 27 months. Mr. Harper's handling of Canada's China policy has been, by design or default, exactly opposite to that of other world leaders.

While others are emphasizing China's growing importance and forming a comprehensive China strategy, Canada has removed Beijing from its foreign policy priority list; while new leaders from Germany to Japan put summit diplomacy with the Chinese leaders as an indispensable part of their travel itinerary, Mr. Harper has stopped such a practice in Canada; while others are promoting investment and trade with China as a part of increasing jobs and competitiveness at home, the Harper government has let our proportion of trade and investment with China slip; and while others are in constant consultation on some of the most pressing global issues such as the environment and climate change, Mr. Harper is not even on talking terms with the Chinese.

So it is clear that Mr. Harper's China policy is anything but to have one. And contrary to the prevailing but misleading perception that somehow this government has emphasized human rights in its China policy, the Conservatives don't even deserve a passing grade on this subject.

They have suspended Canada's annual human rights dialogue and replaced it with nothing; they have been making grand, but largely self-congratulatory, moral statements regarding China's human rights record but have not implemented a single tangible project to advance human rights and democracy in that country; and Mr. Harper confuses trade with rights by stating that Canada would not sacrifice human rights for the mighty dollar, as if they are mutually exclusive objectives.

Instead of taking fresh China policy initiatives, various House and Senate committees have settled for endless hearings. What they have been told, including testimonies from this author, is very straightforward: we are losing our influence in China, we need a China strategy. Put national interests over and above narrow party politics, and engage China on a range of issues that are absolutely relevant to the long-term wellbeing of Canadians.

Yes, International Trade Minister David Emerson, the only cabinet member who has China expertise, has been going to China since last year and so have a few other ministers. But unless Mr. Harper is willing to engage the Chinese directly by making the long-overdue trip to Beijing, his China agenda on this European trip may yield very little success.

Aftershock and Quake Lake Threat

On May 28, 2008, Dr. Jiang, was interviewed live by CTV "Canada AM" on the aftershocks and earthquake-created lakes that threaten millions in China. View the clip here.

China enjoys rare moment of global support

On May 27, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted in the Christian Science Monitor on China's improved international image in the aftermath of the Sichuan earthquake. Read it here.

An earthquake-induced ceasefire, or a genuine truce?

On May 27, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted in the Canwest News on the political repercussion in the aftermath of the Sichuan earthquake. Read it here.

Chinese volunteers soldier on in quake aftermath

On May 24, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted by Reuters on Chinese civic activism in the aftermath of the Sichuan earthquake. Read it here.

Crisis and Response

On May 23, 2008, Dr. Jiang was invited to write an article for the Yale University's YaleGlobal Online maganize on China's response to the earthquake. Read the article here.

China: Roused by Disaster

On May 22, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted in the Time magazine on the political repercussion of the Sichuan earthquake. Read the article here.

China's quake calms Olympic controversies

On May 17, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted by the Associated Press on political repercussion in the aftermath of the Sichuan earthquake. Read it here.

‘Shock of consciousness' sweeps China in wake of temblor

On May 17, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted in the Global and Mail on Chinese public reaction in the aftermath of the Sichuan earthquake. Read it here.

China's government gives rare transparent look at disaster

On May 16, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted in CNN on Chinese government's subtle policy changes in the aftermath of the Sichuan earthquake. Read it here.

China Tries Smile Diplomacy with Japan

On May 5, 2008, Dr. Jiang was invited to write an article for the BusinessWeek on China-Japan relations. Read the article here.

The original was written for Project Syndicate which has distributed the piece to more than 370 newspapers in 143 countries and in seven languages. Read it here.

Beijing needs gold-medal diplomacy

On April 30, 2008, Dr. Jiang was invited to write an article for the Edmonton Journal on the world-wide protests against China's Olympic torch relays after the Tibet riot. Read the article here.

Tibet -- as China sees it

On April 20, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted in the Edmonton Journal on Chinese domestic reponse to Western critics of its Tibet policy. Read the article here.

Tibet Protests Stir Chinese Nationalism

On April 18, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by the National Public Radio on the Tibet situation and rising Chinese nationalism at home and abroad. You can listen to the report here.

Tibet Protests Stir Chinese Nationalism

On April 18, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by the National Public Radio on the Tibet situation and rising Chinese nationalism at home and abroad. You can listen to the report here.

On Olympic Games

On April 10, 2008, Dr. Jiang was quoted again by the TIME Magazine on the current controversy over the Olympics. Read the article here.

Strong yuan may be China's savior

On April 7, 2008, Asia Times published Dr. Jiang's article on Chinese currency and the US-China relations. The full text is here.

On the other side of Tibet

On April 4, 2008, Dr. Jiang was invited to write an article for the Global and Mail on Chinese domestic public opinion after the Tibet riot. Read the article here.

Globe and Mail Op-ed on the Tibet situation

On April 4, 2008, Dr. Jiang was invited to write an op-ed article for the Globe and Mail on the rising emotions over the Tibetan crisis. Read the full text here.

TIME Interview on Tibet Riot

On April 3, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by TIME magazine on the recent situation in Tibet. You can read the TIME article and Dr. Jiang's comments here.

CBC The Current Interview on rising nationalism in China

On April 2, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed live by CBC Radio's The Current on the rising nationalism in China over the Tibetan issue. You can listen to the 30 minute discussion (part 3 of the program) here.

The Current Fuel Shortage in China

On March 26, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by Voice of America Chinese language program on the current fuel shortage in China. You can listen to the interview or read the article in Chinese here.

The Tibetan Situation And Its Impact on the 2008 Beijing Olympics

On March 23, 2008, Dr. Jiang was invited by Mr. Rex Murphy of CBC Radio's Cross Country Checkup to provide analysis on the Tibetan situation and its impact on the 2008 Beijing Olympics. Dr. Jiang stayed on the show for over 20 minutes, discussing the subject with Mr. Murphy and responding to questions from the callers. You can listen to the program here.

China's Rising Soft Power And Its Impact

On March 21, 2008, Dr. Jiang was a guest speaker of the Asia Society at the New York City, discussing China's rising soft power and its impact. Dr. Jiang's analyses were reported by Radio Free Asia. You can read or listen to the Chinese report here.

Beijing's Dilemma

On March 17, 2008. Dr. Jiang was interviewed by the Globe and Mail on the riot in Tibet. Read the full story here.

China Raises Official Tibet Protest Death Toll

On March 17, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by Voice of America on the on-going tension in Tibet. Read or listen to the report here.

The Tibet Situation and Its Impact on the 2008 Beijing Olympics

On March 17, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by CBC Radio's Anna Maria Tremonti on the Current program regarding the Tibet situation and its impact on the 2008 Beijing Olympics. You can read the background or listen to the 25 minute segment here.

China's Energy and Environment Issues

On March 15, 2008, Dr. Jiang was an invited guest on CCTV 9 special program on China's energy and environment issues. Broadcasting live from Beijing, Dr. Jiang joined two other experts for a full hour of discussion.

Logistics and Other Related Issues on the Coming 2008 Olympics in Beijing

On February 28, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by the Newsworld of CBC TV on the coming 2008 Olympics in Beijing. He provided analysis on the concerns over the food supply to the athletes around the world, who will go to compete in Beijing in August, and other related issues.

Parsing Chinese Snowstorms

On February 7, 2008, Dr. Jiang was featured by the AGENDA program's producer Daniel Kitts to comment on the latest snow storms in China, you can read The Inside Agenda here.

The Debate: Globalization Backlash

On February 7, 2008, Dr. Jiang was invited by TV Ontario's AGENDA program with Steven Paikin to debate on the growing discontent over globalization. You can see the details of the program, watch or listen the 40 minute debate here by click the "Globalization Backlash" tab on that web page.

The Growing Importance of Alberta's Energy Economy And Its Implications for Canada-China Relations

On February 6, 2008, Dr. Jiang gave a featured interview to Radio Canada International's Chinese language program on the growing importance of Alberta's energy economy and its implications for fostering a strong Canada-China relationship. You can listen to the 25 minute program in Chinese here.

Beijing wary of investing in oil sands

On January 9, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by the Global and Mail on the political and economic environment for Chinese investment in the Alberta oil sands industry. The full report is here.

Chinese mining takeovers in Canada not to be feared

On January 7, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by the Canadian Press on the implications of a number of recent Chinese takeovers of Canadian mining companies, and the broader bilateral economic relations. The full report is here.

Analysis on the Recent Billion dollar Oil Contract between Sinopec and Iran

On December 10, 2007, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by Voice of America on the implications of Iran's $2 billion contract with China's Sinopec to develop Iran's huge Yadavaran oil field. The full report is here.

China Flexes Its Muscles on Wall Street

On November 29, 2007, Dr. Jiang was invited by the Jamestown Foundation in Washington D.C. to write about the impact of China's emerging financial power in the world political economy. Here are the two-part series that appeared in the China Brief. (Part I) (Part II) (Part III)

Japan PM arrives in China to forge warmer ties

On November 27, 2007, Dr. Jiang was quoted by the Reuters on the coming visit to China by Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda. Read the full report here.

China cabinet to get energy law draft by early 2008

On October 25, 2007, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by Reuters energy affairs correspondent Emma Graham-Harrison to comment on China's energy law draft. Read the article here.

Chinese Firm To Buy Big Stake In Bear Stearns

On October 24, 2007, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by the Washington Post to comment on China's Citic Securities' pending acquisition of up to a 9.9 percent stake in Bear Stearns. Read the article here.

Is Ottawa closing door?

On October 12, 2007, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by the Globe and Mail to comment on the increasingly strained relationship between China and Canada. Read the article here.

Abe resignation signals new era of instability

On September 19, 2007, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by the Globe and Mail on former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's recent resignation from his post. He noted that the Chinese leaders would be disappointed as they had strong hope that they could work together with Abe to improve bilateral relationship damaged during Abe's predecessor, Junichiro Koizumi's term.

Read the article here.

China-free shopping

On August 8, 2007, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by the Vancouver Sun on the safety concerns over goods and food products produced in China and marketed in North America. Read the article here.

The Current and Potential Uses of Alternative Fuels

On July 31, 2007, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by Global Journalist Website on the Current and Potential Uses of Alternative Fuels.

Listen Online: please go to Global Journalist Website for downloading the audio file in real player format.

Chinese firm still interested in oilsands

On July 31, 2007, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by CanWest News Service on Chinese firm's continuing interest in Alberta's oilsands. China National Petroleum Corp. has made an extensive study on oilsands resources and technology, and acquired exploration rights to 11 oil blocks in Alberta early this year. Read the article here.

Chinese have hesitation about entry into oilsands

On July 10, 2007, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by Canada East Online on China's interest in Alberta's oilsands. He noted that Canada should be trying to develop a strategy to persuade Chinese investment in projects like refineries to get better value out of oilsands crude, rather than shipping it to the United States for processing. Read the article here.

On July 9, 2007, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by the Vancouver Sun on consumer products safety recalls on Chinese manufactured goods. He noted that the fundamental problem is that China's government is simply unable to monitor safety standards in the way richer countries do. Read the article here.

CBC Radio One Coverage on the 3rd Canada-China Energy Cooperation Conference (with Audio link)

By CBC News
(Jun 27, 2007)
Duration: 00:09:15

When executives from some of China's biggest oil companies touch down in the "Gateway to the Rockies," you know they're not in town just to hit the West Edmonton Mall. Instead, they've got their sights set on Alberta's bounteous tar sands.

It's no secret that China needs oil and lots of it. And Alberta has the reserves to quench its thirst. But the question remains: at what cost? Well, the "China-Canada Economic Cooperation Conference -- Energy and Beyond," may provide some answers. The conference kicked off in Edmonton today. This is the first time the conference has taken place in Canada and not Beijing.

Listen to Part 3 of As It Happens.

Dangerous trade

By Wenran Jiang
(Jun 25, 2007)
Citizen Special


The spectacular rise of China as an economic powerhouse in the past three decades has brought countless consumer products to the world market, ranging from Christmas decorations to household electronics to many Father's Day presents that were opened last Sunday. Yet a flood of reports of late indicate that some of the Chinese exports are unsafe, contaminated and environmentally unfriendly, especially in the food and pharmaceutical sectors.

In March, pet food from China contaminated with melamine, a chemical used to make plastics, was recalled after the illness and death of large numbers of dogs and cats in North America. Melamine was also traced to feed additives from China for chicken, fish and hogs. Last month, Canada also found shipments of corn gluten from China contaminated with melamine and cyanuric acid. Then allegations came that some Chinese-made toys, makeup and pottery contain significant amounts of lead that may pose a health hazard.

The United States has banned Chinese toothpaste imports after a number of other countries detected diethylene glycol, a poisonous chemical used in antifreeze, in shipments. And in April, the United States turned back more than 230 Chinese food products at its borders, labelling most of them simply as "filthy."

There are good reasons for the rest of the world to be worried about such troublesome developments, especially health-conscious consumers in Western countries where food and drug regulatory regimes are facing the growing challenge of rapid globalization.

China's industrialization process has created unprecedented high mobility, with some 150 million people on the move from rural to urban areas for jobs and new economic opportunities. Reforms have weakened the central government's ability to effectively control or monitor an explosive market, now primarily driven by hundreds of thousands of private enterprises.

Cut-throat capitalism and pure greed for profits, 19th-century style, are raging in the world's fourth-largest economy. Longer working hours, lower wages, higher education costs, a collapsing health-care system, and destruction of the environment are just a few challenges among many. And some have ignored the rules and engaged in fake substitutes and cheating, just to make a buck.

Despite recent international complaints about the safety of China's exports, the Chinese people themselves, not foreigners, are the primary victims of many tragic food and drug scandals. Fake food and drugs are often found in the marketplace and are even sold to hospitals. Food and environment-related poisonings have caused many illnesses and deaths in recent years. In 2004, fake baby formula with little nutritious value caused severe health problems in many infants in central China, resulting in the loss of up to 60 young lives. And since 2005, the rate of malignant tumors, listed as the No. 1 killer in China, has shot up 18.6 per cent in the cities and 23.1 per cent in the countryside.

So it is pure sensationalism, if not Sino-phobia, for some U.S. pundits to pose such questions as "Is China trying to poison Americans and their pets?" In fact, Chinese consumers have become more vocal over the years about the country's public health and environment issues. Many Chinese media outlets, under threat of censorship, have produced large exposes on China's increasing food, work and environment safety weaknesses.

Ironically, it is the outcry of North America's pet owners that puts China under international pressure to pay more attention to the country's health risks. Chinese leaders now understand that China stands to lose hundreds of billions of trade dollars if it does not restore worldwide consumer confidence.
Chinese officials used to treat international complaints as isolated incidents or, in some cases, tried to avoid responsibility. But there are indications that China is taking the public health issues, domestic or international, very seriously.

First, it has acknowledged some of the problems reported in the press, and promised to investigate and resolve them.

Second, the Chinese leaders have launched a nationwide crackdown campaign. A Beijing court just sentenced the former head of the Chinese food and drug regulation administration to death for accepting bribes to certify manufacturers of fake drugs. And a range of investigations in response to reports of fake food and pharmaceutical products is going on.

Third, the Chinese government announced earlier this month a set of new regulations that are aimed at enhancing the nation's food and drug safety system. Based on measures first revealed in April, the State Council stressed that the new national monitoring system, to be put in place by 2010, will be able to trace products, deal with accidents, and handle food recalls.

For Canada and other countries, these are encouraging steps. But no one should take safety measures of other countries for granted. Canada should consider putting in extra resources and exercising greater caution in our overall food and drug inspection capabilities.

That should include not only more vigorous border checking and import control, but also lending a hand to China to share Canada's expertise in the food and drug safety area, so China can enhance the rule of law and speed up the process of establishing a robust monitoring system that will benefit both Chinese and people around the world.

Wenran Jiang is the director of the China Institute at the University of Alberta and a senior fellow at the Asia Pacific Foundation. He has been working with Canada's PrioNet Research Network on food safety monitoring in Asia.

A cooling off in Sino-Canadian relations

On Jun 25, 2007, Dr. Jiang was invited by the Edmonton Journal to write an Op-ed piece on the recent development of Canada-China relations.

Since the Conservatives ousted the Liberals and formed a minority government in early 2006, however, Sino-Canadian relations have entered a period of uncertainty. In this article, Wenran touched on a number of issues baffling both sides, including the Celil case.

You can read the article here.

Energy conference boosts relations with China

On June 20, 2007, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by the U of A ExpressNews on the 3rd Canada-China Economic Cooperation Conference. As the event organizer, Wenran said the event will explore a wide range of issues in bilateral energy relations. He believes Canada and China have a great deal to gain from one another. Stronger economic relations would help Canada diversify its economic activities, for instance.

You can read the article here.

China says climate policy must make room for growth

On June 4, 2007, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by Emma Graham-Harrison from the Reuters on China's climate policy.

China went on the global warming offensive on Monday, unveiling a climate change action plan while stressing it will not sacrifice economic ambitions to international demands to cut greenhouse gas pollution.

Wenran commented that "this is more of a mobilization rally to draw the battle line as the G8 approaches. Beijing wants to make sure that China is not the target of world opinion on global warming issues."

You can read the article here.

In China, 'cutthroat capitalism' often means cutting corners

On June 4, 2007, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by International Herald Tribune on China's food safety issues. The recent melamine-contaminated pet food marketed in North America and poisonous syrup sold to Panama have triggered world-wide concerns.

"This is cutthroat market capitalism," said Wenran, "but the question has to be asked: is this uniquely Chinese or is there simply a lack of regulation in the market?"

You can read the article here.

True test of China's diplomatic intentions lies ahead

On May 28, 2007, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by the Globe and Mail, commenting on China's diplomatic deadlocks with the West on Darfur and North Korea issues. Wenran said China's leaders have gone through an evolution in their thinking on Darfur in recent years. At first they knew little about Darfur, focusing instead on Sudan's advantages as a reliable source of oil. Later there was growing awareness of Darfur, followed by internal debates and a greater willingness to be a "responsible power" on the issue.

Read the article here.

An Export Boom Suddenly Facing a Quality Crisis

On May 18, 2007, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by the New York Times on the tainted Chinese pet food discovered in U.S. market, threatening to undermine the credibility of this booming export.

Dr. Jiang argues that China is going through a radical transformation and it’s hard to manage. "The state just doesn’t have the expertise to keep up with these things,” he said.

You can read the article here.

China's African venture is risky business

On May 6, 2007, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by the Australian on China's emerging oil interest in Africa. The Chinese public is expressing growing concern about the number of attacks on the rapidly increasing Chinese workforce in Africa, as Beijing's success in the global war for access to oil and other key commodities comes at a growing price in lives.

As an expert on China's role in Africa, Wenran said that some Chinese companies operating there use Chinese labour, others local labour, and yet others, both. There is no single model. But there is clear-cut economic logic for using Chinese labour. It is cheap, disciplined, well-trained, and easy to manage. He cautioned that if Chinese invested companies want to be there for the long run, they need to have local support.

You can read the article here.

Oil-field raid highlights danger for China

On May 3, 2007, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by the Globe and Mail on a recent armed attack toward Chinese-run oil field operation in eastern Ethiopia. Wenran said Chinese companies are only now coming to grips with the political risks that are associated with doing business in violence-prone countries. “The Chinese leaders are becoming more and more aware of the severe situation in these unstable countries where they have put in quite a bit of investment,” Wenran noted.

You can read the article here.

Canada not part of Olympic torch route

On May 1, 2007, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by the Vancouver Sun on China's decision to exclude Vancouver, host of the 2010 Winter Olympics, and former host cities Montreal and Calgary from its torch relay route.

Wenran noted that Vancouver, like San Francisco, has a huge ethnic Chinese population and would be a logical choice if Canada-China relations were strong. "But I'm not surprised that no Canadians cities were included," Wenran said. "I think the colder relationship definitely is a factor which might have contributed to Canadian cities not being included."

You can read the article here.

New temper marks Wen visit

On April 11, 2007, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by Reuters on recent China-Japan relationship.

In a sign of Chinese government's changing tolerance level for public displays of nationalism, one of the student leaders from 2005 first accepted and then declined an interview, citing his university's more stringent regulations on speaking out on the issue. When Abe sparked an outcry last month by saying there was no proof of government or military involvement in the use of sex slaves during World War ll, the reaction from China was subdued.






"This is an issue where you could jump in, but they didn't do that," said Wenran. "The recent coverage shows clear guidelines not to make inflammatory editorials or comments."

But Jiang also thinks the 2005 protests caused a change in Japan. "It served as a shock, not only to the Japanese public, but also to the conservative- leaning political elites," he said. "The raw emotions expressed simply could not be explained away by pure manipulation by the Chinese party."

You can read the article here.

Japan and China put old hostilities aside

On April 11, 2007, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by the London-based newspaper Telegraph on the improving relationship between China and Japan. This week, Wen Jiabao, the Chinese prime minister, lands in Japan amid mutual effusions of satisfaction at improvements in the two countries' relations. It is the first visit by a Chinese premier to Tokyo in seven years.

Dr. Jiang said Mr Abe had played a clever hand by making his first public move on China an offer to co-operate on energy conservation and security.

You can read the article here.

China's Hu heads to Russia urgently seeking fuel

On March 25, 2007, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by Reuters on Chinese President Hu Jintao's visit to Moscow aimed at seeking oil, gas and assurance as the two countries eye each other's resurgent power.

"Both sides know they need to keep control of their energy resources, and new (Russian) rules to enhance state control are the same as what China is doing," said Wenran.

You can read the article here.

Ottawa abused powers, Gao says

On March 13, 2007, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by the Global and Mail on Chinese fugitive banker Gao Shan's expatriation case heard in Canada. Lorne Waldman, Mr. Gao's representing lawyer, said Canada is trying to circumvent extradition law by removing the former banker for a minor offence.

Mr. Waldman said evidence provided by China is unreliable. "Until China can create a legal process that is respected, any country like Canada and any lawyer like me is going to do exactly what I'm doing," Mr. Waldman said. "You can't send people back to a judicial system like China."

Wenran said that Mr. Waldman's questions about the legitimacy of the Chinese judicial system fail to take into account the reforms the country is undergoing.

You can read the article here.