On world politics, globalization, development, energy security, East Asia, Canadian foreign policy ...
Thursday, April 02, 2009
The First Summit between Obama and Hu during the G20
Wednesday, April 01, 2009
The Impact of Global Oil Price Fluctuations on China
Tuesday, March 31, 2009
The Rising Impact of China in the Global Economy
Saturday, March 14, 2009
Chinese Economic Situation and the New Stimulus Packages
Tuesday, March 10, 2009
China's Latest Policies on Tibet
Thursday, March 05, 2009
The Current State of Canada-China Relations
Friday, February 20, 2009
Road to Riches Ends for 20 Million Chinese Poor

Wednesday, February 18, 2009
My Exclusive Interview with Duowei News Agency on U.S. President Obama's First Overseas Visit to Canada

Wednesday, February 04, 2009
Beijing's Responses to Falling Oil Prices
Saturday, January 31, 2009
China’s Towering Tests
January 31, 2009
By: Wenran Jiang
After a dramatic 2008, the Year of the Ox could bring soul-searching and unrest
As China enters the "Year of the Ox," there is much to reflect on from the past year and even more to speculate about the coming year.
2008 began with snowstorms that paralyzed most of central and southern China's transport system, interrupting lives and causing severe material damage. Then came the riots in Tibet, which caught the government off guard, followed by embarrassing protests over China's Olympic torch relay in several Western and Asian countries.
As Chinese were wondering why 2008, a year of supposed good fortune marked by the lucky number eight, had started with so much misfortune, an earthquake struck Sichuan province, killing 80,000 people and leaving millions homeless. Emerging more united from this tragedy, the country welcomed the world to the long-anticipated Olympics, which were remarkably successful, but were soon superseded by the tainted-dairy-product scandal in which many babies became ill, and some died.
In contrast to last year, when the rush home for the lunar New Year celebration was hampered by freak storms, this year millions of migrant workers have already returned to their rural homes. Many will be staying there, because the global economic downturn has hit China hard, costing them their jobs. According to the latest numbers, the growth rates of both China's industrial output and GDP have declined sharply in the fourth quarter of 2008, and more than 10 million migrant workers have lost their jobs.
A year of searing milestones Littered with a host of extremely sensitive anniversaries, 2009 could prove even more dramatic and unpredictable than 2008.
Fast approaching is not only the March anniversary of last year's disturbances in Tibet, but also the 50th anniversary of Tibetan unrest in 1959 that led to the exile of the Dalai Lama and his supporters.
Since the riots last spring, China's government has taken many proactive measures, even adopting a "Serf Liberation Day," to defend its record in Tibet of the past 50 years, while continuing to talk with the Dalai Lama's representatives. But it has also implemented heavy-handed police and military controls.
Then comes the 20th anniversary of the June 4 crackdown on the Tiananmen Square student demonstrations. Calls to re-evaluate the official response began when President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao came to power seven years ago. But recently, the pressure has intensified, especially with the publication of "Charter 08," a manifesto signed by hundreds of Chinese intellectuals, journalists, lawyers, and ordinary citizens, criticizing the government's rights record and demanding more democratic reform, press freedom, governmental transparency, and societal openness.
Although neither Hu nor Wen were directly involved in the crackdown, they nonetheless must tread carefully. Doing everything possible to avoid a repeat of the 1989 scenario may well be the Communist Party leadership's top priority in 2009. And, given the economic slowdown, widening income disparity, rising unemployment, and growing popular discontent over corruption, China's leaders will have their hands full.
Of course, the inspiration for almost every political reform movement in China is the May 4th Movement of 1919, when Chinese students protested against a weak and corrupt government and called for China to strengthen itself by adopting two key Western ideals: democracy and science. As the 90th anniversary approaches, China has made great strides in science, but still has a long way to go in terms of democracy.
Less known but no less sensitive is the 10th anniversary of the government's ban on Falun Gong, an organization of self-claimed religious and meditation practitioners that has challenged the Communist Party's legitimacy. Though largely discredited inside the country, this militant movement still has a following around the world, and further protests may come at any time and in unpredictable forms.
While some of the plethora of anniversaries that China's leaders must confront are potentially very destabilizing, several have, and will, work in their favour. For example, the 30th anniversary of China's reform movement and the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and the United States has been a much-celebrated event this January.
Republic will be 60 years old More importantly, October will mark the 60th anniversary of the founding of the Peoples' Republic of China, an occasion that the Party will commemorate in grand style. After all, the Middle Kingdom has re-emerged as the world's third-largest economy (having recently replaced Germany), sent astronauts into space, dispatched advanced naval destroyers to the Horn of Africa, and become the largest holder of U.S. foreign debt. China will want to flex its muscles and proclaim to the world that the Party has delivered the goods to its people, while making the country strong and prosperous.
As the worst recession since the 1930s continues, both the American and Chinese economies are bound to suffer further setbacks. There is no guarantee that protectionist and xenophobic sentiment in America will not hit China-U.S. relations, or that the economic downturn will not fuel new unrest in China.
Already, the new U.S. treasury secretary, Timothy Geithner, has accused China of "manipulating its currencies," a term that was not used by the former Bush administration and that may have serious consequences for U.S.-China trade relations. During his campaign, Barack Obama used the same language. And Chinese officials have hit back at the new U.S. administration's criticism.
There is also a gathering storm over who is to blame for the U.S. and worldwide financial crisis. Some have argued it was the Chinese continuous purchasing of U.S. treasury bounds and the influx of cheap Chinese goods over the years that are responsible for the subprime mortgage crisis and the U.S. recession, a position rejected by Beijing.
So far it is not that clear how the Obama administration is going to handle its China policy. But one thing is clear: without further Chinese commitment to buy a large amount of U.S.-issued debt, Obama will not be able to pay for his administration's massive stimulus package. Nor will China be overly accommodating to foreign demands when its own domestic situation is turning so volatile.
The world should not misjudge the effect of such disputes and troubles on China. Nor should it forget China's fierce display of nationalism in response to Western protests of the Olympic torch relay, the extraordinary patriotism that swept the country in response to the Sichuan earthquake, and the national pride evinced by the Olympic Games.
But in 2009, it would be a demonstration of courage if China's leadership also takes note of the need to continue assuring the world of its commitment to a "peaceful rise," and to do so by boldly addressing some of the unresolved issues this year's anniversaries will highlight.
Thursday, January 29, 2009
the Chinese Economy and More
Friday, January 23, 2009
Social Costs of China's Prosperity
(Jan 23, 2006)
The Standard
China continues to impress the world with its high GDP growth, staggering trading volumes and surging consumption appetite. Most figures out of Beijing look remarkable, indicating a momentum that the Middle Kingdom is reclaiming its great power status at a speed faster than most forecasts.
Yet evidence is mounting that the high-GDP-centered development paradigm is too costly to sustain: rural, urban and environment-related protest movements are moving from being localized and isolated events to becoming a widespread and serious social crisis.
Some may point to Beijing's newly revised GDP figures as proof of China's successful modernization: its national strength is now 17 percent more than previously thought, allowing China to leap over Italy, France and Britain to become the fourth largest economy in the world; its economic structure seems to be more balanced with a much bigger service industry than previously reported; and China's foreign trade grew by nearly a quarter last year while its foreign reserves tripled.
Yet other recently released numbers, which have received less coverage, indicate a troublesome trend.
As revealed by the China Human Development Report 2005, regional disparities are threatening the country's growth potential, and the widening urban-rural income distribution gap has reached a dangerous level.
Compiled by a group of Chinese researchers for the United Nations Development Program, the report demonstrates that in all major categories of the human development index - from per capita income to life expectancy to literacy rate - regional imbalances are severe and growing.
It concludes that China's Gini coefficient, a measurement of a country's income inequality, has increased by more than 50 percent in the past 20 years, with urban dwellers earning nearly four times that of rural residents.
At 0.46, the mainland's Gini coefficient is lower than in some Latin American and African countries, but its urban-rural income inequality is perhaps the highest in the world.
The new GDP numbers only make the inequality worse, and when systemic factors biased against the rural population are included, the urban-rural income ratio is as high as six to one.
The UNDP report also shows that the inland regions lag behind in education, especially among the female population.
Only two decades ago, China was one of the most equal societies on earth. Today, it ranks 90th in the UNDP's 131-nation human development index.
It is ironic that while 250 million people have been lifted out of poverty in record time - a proud achievement that no one denies - the mainland is also leading the world in creating one of the most unequal societies in history.
The Chinese government has repeatedly told the world that it needs social stability to develop its economy, and Beijing claims to value economic and social rights more than political rights.
The question is whether China's traditional political control plus the new economic and social exclusion of the majority of its population can be accepted as a model of development by those who are now excluded from China's growing prosperity.
Newly released reports from the central government cite 87,000 incidents of public order disturbances last year, up 6.6 percent from the 74,000 figure in 2004; the number of events that interfered with government functions jumped 19 percent, while protests seen as disturbing social order grew by 13 percent in 2005.
Some say that the figures are not surprising and that these may not even be new developments: they show that Beijing now allows more reporting of these protests that have existed for a long time.
Beijing even puts its spin on reports of social disorder, claiming that it is now more democratic by allowing the protests to occur and then informing the public about them.
Despite the differences in assessment, the emerging consensus is that various grassroots protests are increasing in numbers, are better organized, and often turn violent when local officials are no longer seen as working to solve ordinary people's legitimate grievances.
Again, the UNDP survey of Chinese public perception of income distribution gaps reveals popular demand for social justice and potential support for radical actions: more than 80 percent of those surveyed believe that China's current income distribution is either not so equitable or very inequitable.
Meanwhile, a recent global study by the Pew Global Attitude Project seems to contradict such pessimism.
Around 72 percent of Chinese, the highest among 16 countries polled, expressed satisfaction with national conditions. Although the survey acknowledges that the sample is disproportionately urban and is not representative of the entire country, it does convey one important message that the pollsters failed to recognize: mainlanders have extremely high expectations about benefiting from the country's ongoing economic expansion; if such high expectations are not met in the near future, their frustrations may turn to demands for equity and social justice.
Between the 1950s and 1970s, most mainlanders were very poor, but relatively equal; thus social protests were rare and the Chinese Communist Party asserted control with little concern for large-scale grassroots unrest.
Today's China, after more than two decades of reform, is much more prosperous but, at the same time, a very unequal society.
Historical experiences show that when a country is embarking on rapid economic growth, social mobility accelerates and people's expectations for their own share of the prosperity increase. Yet, at the same time, income distribution gaps widen and, with a few exceptions, only a small portion of the population enjoys the benefits of the country's modernization drive.
Such a paradoxical process often results in rising resentment among the populace and leads to large-scale protests for a more equitable distribution of wealth.
China today is at such a crossroads of unprecedented prosperity, high, unmet expectations, and growing frustrations with perceived social injustice.
The current leadership, headed by President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, is keenly aware of the growing disparity and its serious consequences. After years of promoting Deng Xiaoping's famous call - to get rich is glorious - the harmonious society seems to have become a central pillar of the Hu-Wen approach to easing China's social tensions.
Despite a number of measures - ranging from investment in remote regions to elimination of agricultural taxes to campaigns against corruption - social unrest is on the rise. With some of the recent bloody confrontations between peasants and local authorities, many wonder if some kind of a tipping point for a social crisis will arrive soon.
Revolutionary change, most evident in Russia in 1917, is precipitated by three conditions: first, the masses can no longer be governed; second, the ruling elites can no longer govern; and third, the social forces are fully mobilized under the leadership of a revolutionary party to overthrow the existing regime. By these standards, China is nowhere close to the tipping point.
Yet it would be a profound mistake to take comfort from such abstract conclusions. The first two conditions have been progressively deteriorating in recent years: widespread social protests are increasing; and the corruption of government and party officials, and the plight of ordinary citizens at the hands of abusive local officials, have weakened the governance structure.
A deadly combination of these two elements could lead to a widespread belief that the majority of the population is not left behind because of its own weakness in competing with others for a better life; rather, it is the corrupt officials and the privileged few who have enriched themselves through exploitation and at the expense of the masses.
This perception may foster pressures that fundamentally reconfigure the existing social, economic, and political order.
This process may well be accelerated if the inevitable economic slowdown in the coming years and natural, environmental and other human-made disasters occur simultaneously.
An externally-imposed, alternative political mechanism is unlikely, if possible at all, given China's tightly controlled conditions. Yet a governance crisis of such magnitude is likely to trigger an internal split within the party ruling elites, with reform-oriented forces openly confronting hardliners who advocate total control by force.
The most challenging task for China and the world today is how to avoid such dangerous showdowns with reforms that effectively address the issue of income inequality, social injustice and lack of democratization.
Thursday, January 15, 2009
the New US President and the Prospects of Canada-US Relations and US-China Relations
Monday, January 12, 2009
Chinese Inroads in DR Congo: A Chinese "Marshall Plan" or Business?

Read the article here.
The same article is also available on Asia Times Online here.
Wednesday, December 17, 2008
CBC Radio Interview on Chinese economy
Today, it's a manufacturing juggernaut and 40 per cent of the country's wealth comes from exports. But with the global economy tanking, many of China's best customers don't look like they'll be buying much in 2009. That suggests tough times ahead for China.
To listen to the audio clip, please click here, and on that webpage, turn on the build-in Adobe flash player "Listen to Part Two".
Friday, December 12, 2008
ID card proponents push for single system
He noted that this new system would be a welcome step for travellers as it could reduce the stress associated with customs clearance. To read the story, click here.
Tuesday, December 02, 2008
Appointment of Hillary Clinton and its potential impact on US-China relations
Sunday, November 30, 2008
China’s influence among African nations spurs concerns
Read the article here.
Thursday, November 27, 2008
Terrorist attacks at Mumbai and its impact on the rise of India as a major world power
Opening-up, reform policy brings earthshaking changes to China
The year 2008 marks the 30th anniversary of the initiation of China's reform and open-market policy, he noted that during the past three decades, China has been immersed fully with the international community and is playing an increasingly larger role in global political and economic affairs.
Read the aticle here.
For a similar report in Chinese, please click here.
Tuesday, November 11, 2008
Cross-strait ties meet choppy waters

On November 11, 2008, Dr. Jiang was interviewed by CCTV on the recent cross-strait relationship amid Chen Yunlin's contraversial visit to Taiwan in November. Chen is the chairman of the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits. His visit sparked wide spread protests by pro-independent residents in Taiwan.
Watch the video here.
Saturday, November 01, 2008
China and SCO Unite Against Challenges
Thursday, October 23, 2008
The credit crisis and the world's financial architecture
To listen to this edition's podcast, please click here.
Monday, October 06, 2008
OMNI TV Interview on Canadian election
Thursday, October 02, 2008
BBC Interview on North Korea nuclear crisis
CBC Radio Hop Spot Interview on China's tainted dairy products
There are more than 53,000 babies got sick, over 15,000 hospitalized and 4 have died in the wide-spread fraud and scandal that have caused outrage in China and sent alarms around the world. In Canada, the United States and many other countries, many products containing dairy elements from China have been so far recalled. In the show, Dr. Jiang discussed the current development and its implications.
Monday, August 11, 2008
Is the West too hard on China?
Sunday, August 10, 2008
Canadians arrested over pro-Tibet demonstration
You can read the article here.
Dr. Jiang was also quoted for the same topic by CTV. Read a brief news report from CTV's website here.
Interview by CTV on Harper's decision of not going to Beijing for the Olympics
You can watch the clip here.
Friday, August 08, 2008
Revolution from below
WENRAN JIANG
From Saturday's Globe and Mail
August 8, 2008 at 10:12 PM EDT
By any measure, the opening ceremonies of the Beijing Olympics yesterday were a spectacular show. But in the weeks before this highly anticipated and in many ways controversial event, there has been hardly any good news. And the narrative from most of the Western media has been something like this: Back in 2001, China promised to behave and improve its human-rights records, in exchange for hosting the Games, but has broken its promises; there is more repression of Tibetans and other minorities, more jailing of dissidents, more harassment of the foreign press, more pollution, more censorship; in short, China is not democratizing.
Some of these concerns are genuine and understandable. After all, the Olympics is a great occasion for people from around world to celebrate the human spirit, to have their national teams compete under fair rules, and to bring us all closer together, as a global family. The host nation is called upon to live up to high expectations. China must learn to live with international scrutiny and with protests both inside and outside its borders. But the heavy reporting of negative news is painting an incomplete picture.
Few people I have talked to during my frequent visits to China accept the story that their country is worse off in terms of human rights than in 2001.
We can put aside the government's self-promoting claims, but well-informed Chinese believe that China has made considerable strides in human rights in the past seven years. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the United Nations recognizes freedom from poverty as a major category of human rights. China has lifted some 100 million people out of poverty. Despite severe limitations, there are hundreds of new legislative enactments that protect property rights and workers' rights. China has abolished a system that restricted freedom of movement among regions, and citizens can hold on to their passports to travel abroad. The Supreme People's Court now reviews all death sentences. The children of migrant workers can go to school in the urban centres where their parents work. And China has joined more international human-rights treaties.
There are serious problems of implementation and of government interference, but these tangible steps are moving China toward the rule of law.
To enumerate these advances is not to endorse the Chinese government. They are mainly due to the Chinese people's continuous struggle, often against the mighty control apparatus of an authoritarian state.
Even in the political sphere, there is expanded leeway. China now leads the world in the number of Internet users – 250 million – and cellphone subscribers – more than 550 million people, who send tens of billions of short messages a day. Despite censorship, they use these new tools to push for more rights and openness, and to challenge the authorities with rising success.
The government still interferes, still rounds up severe critics, and has made life harder for foreign reporters since the Tibetan crisis in March. But China's progress since 2001 has been largely along the positive trajectory of the past three decades.
The Chinese enjoy more freedom than at any time in recent history. Ordinary Chinese people enthusiastically support the Beijing Olympics, contrary to many critics who label the Games as a government propaganda showcase.
The protests against the Olympic torch relays in London, Paris, and other cities in Western countries strengthened that feeling. Though not very fond of many aspects of the government, most of the Chinese people were outraged by those who spoke of the “genocide Olympics.” They want to have a good sports party, and they want to have a good time, like everybody else around the world. Their passion is for the basketball star Yao Ming and the Olympic gold hurdler Liu Xiang. They don't like to be lumped together with their government, and resent the exploitation of the occasion for political purposes.
Comparisons of the 2008 Beijing Olympics to the Nazi regime's 1936 Games in Berlin are profoundly ignorant. Whereas Hitler's tyranny in Germany was intensifying through the 1930s, China has moved away from the personal dictatorship of Mao toward a more collective leadership. Whereas Germany went on to launch aggressive wars against other countries after the 1936 Games, leading to the disasters of the Second World War, China has in recent years pursued a good-neighbour policy and settled almost all its border disputes with the surrounding countries.
In addition to keeping a sense of balance in assessing where China is today, we also have to be realistic and patient about where China should be. Clearly, many human-rights advocates have strongly hoped and wished that the 2008 Beijing Olympics would follow the pattern of the 1988 Seoul Olympics in South Korea – that is, the Games would shortly lead to Western-style democratization. With a growing realization that this is unlikely to happen, some people have questioned the usefulness and even the legitimacy of having granted the Summer Games to Beijing in the first place.
Others, more moderately, have complained that neither human-rights groups nor the Western news media are doing a good job in highlighting China's human rights-problems, with the result that this Olympic year will be a sadly missed opportunity.
Such a perspective, well intentioned though it is, seems to have ignored the lessons from the Tibetan crisis and the Olympic torch relay protests earlier this year: A well-organized movement intended to raise awareness of the Chinese government's Tibetan policy overstepped into an attack on the Chinese people themselves, as if they were not worthy of hosting the Olympics. Scenes such as that of pro-Tibetan independence protesters violently seizing the Olympic torch from a wheelchair-bound female Paralympian in Paris were counterproductive; they angered the Chinese public and pushed them to rally around the government, strengthening the hand of the hardliners.
To have counted on the Beijing Olympics to deliver a fast political miracle inside China, or anything else that the outside world might have wanted, was both unrealistic and shortsighted. We need to ask: What happens to China, to all the problems and challenges it faces at the end of this month when the Games are over? What is the leverage then?
At the root of the “whatever China does, it is not good enough” attitude is a heavy dose of old colonial attitudes and racial prejudice, in the widely shared, although not always explicitly acknowledged assumption in both our elite and popular discourse that the West knows what is best for China, and must impose its values and guide the country in the direction the West wants.
Many critics do not understand that the real agent of change in China is neither foreigners nor the Chinese government. The Chinese people are the forces that move China forward. The media should refrain from portraying them as passive and ignorant followers of a Communist dictatorship or as a mass of nationalistic and xenophobic robots lacking in independent judgment.
With or without the Olympics, China's long march toward modernity and democracy will be driven primarily by internal dynamics, managed by the Chinese themselves and at their own pace. The Chinese people want human rights and democracy no less than we Canadians do. We certainly should not think that they demand less or deserve less. For most Chinese, the key questions are not about whether China will become a democracy, but rather how to get there, how long it will take and in what form.
Even the Chinese government is not a monolithic bloc. Internal debates on China's future go on all the time. Battles between reform-oriented leaders and the factions of repression and control are all part of the Chinese process of political reform.
The best the West can do is to support the progressive forces in China, as they transform that country as they have in the past 30 years. The speed of change may be not as fast as we wish, but we need to manage our expectations, just as the Chinese people have managed theirs.
In any case, the Olympics as an international event will have a beneficial impact on many aspects of China's development. China is a very open country now, more so than most people in the West realize. But the Games will push that openness further, and make the Chinese people more aware of the outside world. Let's look beyond what has happened in the past few months and what may come in the next few, and measure things with some historical depth. Decades later, many Chinese who are young now may well look back proudly and define the “patriot Games” of 2008 as the moment that transformed them into internationalists.
China is aiming at getting as many Olympic medals as the American contingent in the Summer Games. It has come a long way since the days when it was called the “Sick Man of Asia.” The Chinese have good reasons to be proud at their coming-out party. We should not hold back in pointing out China's problems, but we should also give credit to the Chinese people and wish the Beijing Olympics great success.
Discussion, Monday: Is the West too hard on China?Thursday, August 07, 2008
China: Panda or Dragon?
Wednesday, August 06, 2008
David Emerson crucial for improving Canada-China relation, but more need to be done by the Feds
Tuesday, August 05, 2008
Getting in Shape for Games, China Strengthens Ties With Neighbors
The deadly militant attack in Xinjiang
Monday, August 04, 2008
David Emerson's appointment is "enormously important" for improving Canada-China relations
Sunday, August 03, 2008
On Cross Country Checkup ...Beijing Olympics
Tuesday, July 29, 2008
GlobeSalon Featured Topic: What do you think of China as Olympic host?
commenting on a recent report claiming China's human rights record worsening
On July 29, 2008, Dr. Jiang gave a live interview to CTV Newsnet on July 29 on human rights and other issues in China prior to the Olympic games.
You can watch the clip by clicking the link below the "Video" header located at the center of the CTV webpage, or through its direct link.
Saturday, July 26, 2008
Which spirit of nation will prevail in rise to greatness?
Tuesday, June 17, 2008
A new China appears amid quake rubble
Thursday, June 12, 2008
Governments have key roles in building ties
Sunday, June 08, 2008
Parents' losses compounded by China's one-child policy
Friday, June 06, 2008
China earthquake response highlights need for greater understanding
Thursday, June 05, 2008
For China, an opportunity in crisis
Thursday, May 29, 2008
China Quake: Controls Cautiously Lifted on Flood of Volunteers
Wednesday, May 28, 2008
Harper's China policy is not to have one
28 May 2008
Ottawa Citizen
Prime Minister Stephen Harper is in Europe this week in part to lobby the leaders of Britain, France, Germany and Italy to pressure China on the issue of global warming. Even putting aside Canada's dismal record on controlling its own emission of CO2 for a moment, don't you wonder why Mr. Harper ventures into building a "coalition of the willing" before talking to the Chinese leaders?
After all, other heads of major industrialized countries visit China or receive their Chinese counterparts in their own capitals on a regular basis, and some of them do multiple mutual visits a year. U.S. President George W. Bush claims that he can just pick up the phone and talk to Chinese President Hu Jintao. French President Nicolas Sarkozy went to China only months after assuming his post, openly challenged the Chinese on global warming responsibilities, and then with a stroke of a pen, signed $30 billion worth of contracts selling Airbus planes and nuclear reactors.
British Prime Minister Gordon Brown travelled to China in January, also within months of taking over from Tony Blair. Joined by Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao, Brown engaged the Chinese people in a Q and A "town hall" meeting on a range of issues, offered to host 100 Chinese firms in Britain and promised to boost bilateral trade by 50 per cent, all in the next two years.
Australia's new Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, a China expert in his early training, headed to Beijing during the recent Tibet crisis. He delivered a speech in fluent Mandarin at Peking University. It was friendly, but frank, bringing up the Tibet issue. Instead of being booted, he was praised as being honest. His predecessor, the Conservative John Howard, actively engaged China, securing some $40 billion in long-term trade deals that have boosted the Australian economy.
So Mr. Harper's counterparts in Europe are likely to look him in the eye and ask two questions: Do you have strong environmental policy credentials at home? What do you have to offer from your own interactions with the Chinese leadership on the subject of global warming? Mr. Harper has neither.
While the world is busy engaging China for easily identifiable reasons, Mr. Harper has been missing in action. Two and half years after President Hu last visited Canada (fall of 2005) and more than two years after the Conservatives came to power, Mr. Harper has yet to find Beijing on the map, not to mention take a trip there anytime soon.
Foreign-policy and China-watching communities have both speculated and heard many reasons for Mr. Harper's lack of initiatives on China. First, there was the talk of an inexperienced young team that may take time to get the China file moving. Then, there was the all-consuming foreign policy challenge of Afghanistan that had to take priority over other things. Then there was the ever-looming domestic election that might come at any time, so a minority government must take care of that first ...
They all bear some truth. But they also sound more like bad excuses now that the Conservatives have been in office for 27 months. Mr. Harper's handling of Canada's China policy has been, by design or default, exactly opposite to that of other world leaders.
While others are emphasizing China's growing importance and forming a comprehensive China strategy, Canada has removed Beijing from its foreign policy priority list; while new leaders from Germany to Japan put summit diplomacy with the Chinese leaders as an indispensable part of their travel itinerary, Mr. Harper has stopped such a practice in Canada; while others are promoting investment and trade with China as a part of increasing jobs and competitiveness at home, the Harper government has let our proportion of trade and investment with China slip; and while others are in constant consultation on some of the most pressing global issues such as the environment and climate change, Mr. Harper is not even on talking terms with the Chinese.
So it is clear that Mr. Harper's China policy is anything but to have one. And contrary to the prevailing but misleading perception that somehow this government has emphasized human rights in its China policy, the Conservatives don't even deserve a passing grade on this subject.
They have suspended Canada's annual human rights dialogue and replaced it with nothing; they have been making grand, but largely self-congratulatory, moral statements regarding China's human rights record but have not implemented a single tangible project to advance human rights and democracy in that country; and Mr. Harper confuses trade with rights by stating that Canada would not sacrifice human rights for the mighty dollar, as if they are mutually exclusive objectives.
Instead of taking fresh China policy initiatives, various House and Senate committees have settled for endless hearings. What they have been told, including testimonies from this author, is very straightforward: we are losing our influence in China, we need a China strategy. Put national interests over and above narrow party politics, and engage China on a range of issues that are absolutely relevant to the long-term wellbeing of Canadians.
Yes, International Trade Minister David Emerson, the only cabinet member who has China expertise, has been going to China since last year and so have a few other ministers. But unless Mr. Harper is willing to engage the Chinese directly by making the long-overdue trip to Beijing, his China agenda on this European trip may yield very little success.
Aftershock and Quake Lake Threat
Tuesday, May 27, 2008
China enjoys rare moment of global support
An earthquake-induced ceasefire, or a genuine truce?
Saturday, May 24, 2008
Chinese volunteers soldier on in quake aftermath
Friday, May 23, 2008
Crisis and Response
Thursday, May 22, 2008
China: Roused by Disaster
Saturday, May 17, 2008
China's quake calms Olympic controversies
‘Shock of consciousness' sweeps China in wake of temblor
Friday, May 16, 2008
China's government gives rare transparent look at disaster
Monday, May 05, 2008
China Tries Smile Diplomacy with Japan
Wednesday, April 30, 2008
Beijing needs gold-medal diplomacy
Sunday, April 20, 2008
Tibet -- as China sees it
Friday, April 18, 2008
Tibet Protests Stir Chinese Nationalism
Tibet Protests Stir Chinese Nationalism
Thursday, April 10, 2008
On Olympic Games
Monday, April 07, 2008
Strong yuan may be China's savior
Friday, April 04, 2008
On the other side of Tibet
Globe and Mail Op-ed on the Tibet situation
Thursday, April 03, 2008
TIME Interview on Tibet Riot
Wednesday, April 02, 2008
CBC The Current Interview on rising nationalism in China
Wednesday, March 26, 2008
The Current Fuel Shortage in China
Sunday, March 23, 2008
The Tibetan Situation And Its Impact on the 2008 Beijing Olympics
Friday, March 21, 2008
China's Rising Soft Power And Its Impact
Monday, March 17, 2008
Beijing's Dilemma
China Raises Official Tibet Protest Death Toll
The Tibet Situation and Its Impact on the 2008 Beijing Olympics
Saturday, March 15, 2008
China's Energy and Environment Issues
Thursday, February 28, 2008
Logistics and Other Related Issues on the Coming 2008 Olympics in Beijing
Thursday, February 07, 2008
Parsing Chinese Snowstorms
The Debate: Globalization Backlash
Wednesday, February 06, 2008
The Growing Importance of Alberta's Energy Economy And Its Implications for Canada-China Relations
Wednesday, January 09, 2008
Beijing wary of investing in oil sands
Monday, January 07, 2008
Chinese mining takeovers in Canada not to be feared
Monday, December 10, 2007
Analysis on the Recent Billion dollar Oil Contract between Sinopec and Iran
Thursday, November 29, 2007
China Flexes Its Muscles on Wall Street
Tuesday, November 27, 2007
Japan PM arrives in China to forge warmer ties
Thursday, October 25, 2007
China cabinet to get energy law draft by early 2008
Wednesday, October 24, 2007
Chinese Firm To Buy Big Stake In Bear Stearns
Friday, October 12, 2007
Is Ottawa closing door?
Wednesday, September 19, 2007
Abe resignation signals new era of instability
Read the article here.
Wednesday, August 08, 2007
China-free shopping
Tuesday, July 31, 2007
The Current and Potential Uses of Alternative Fuels
Listen Online: please go to Global Journalist Website for downloading the audio file in real player format.
Chinese firm still interested in oilsands
Tuesday, July 10, 2007
Chinese have hesitation about entry into oilsands
Monday, July 09, 2007
Wednesday, June 27, 2007
CBC Radio One Coverage on the 3rd Canada-China Energy Cooperation Conference (with Audio link)
(Jun 27, 2007)
Duration: 00:09:15
When executives from some of China's biggest oil companies touch down in the "Gateway to the Rockies," you know they're not in town just to hit the West Edmonton Mall. Instead, they've got their sights set on Alberta's bounteous tar sands.
It's no secret that China needs oil and lots of it. And Alberta has the reserves to quench its thirst. But the question remains: at what cost? Well, the "China-Canada Economic Cooperation Conference -- Energy and Beyond," may provide some answers. The conference kicked off in Edmonton today. This is the first time the conference has taken place in Canada and not Beijing.
Listen to Part 3 of As It Happens.
Monday, June 25, 2007
Dangerous trade
(Jun 25, 2007)
Citizen Special
The spectacular rise of China as an economic powerhouse in the past three decades has brought countless consumer products to the world market, ranging from Christmas decorations to household electronics to many Father's Day presents that were opened last Sunday. Yet a flood of reports of late indicate that some of the Chinese exports are unsafe, contaminated and environmentally unfriendly, especially in the food and pharmaceutical sectors.
In March, pet food from China contaminated with melamine, a chemical used to make plastics, was recalled after the illness and death of large numbers of dogs and cats in North America. Melamine was also traced to feed additives from China for chicken, fish and hogs. Last month, Canada also found shipments of corn gluten from China contaminated with melamine and cyanuric acid. Then allegations came that some Chinese-made toys, makeup and pottery contain significant amounts of lead that may pose a health hazard.
The United States has banned Chinese toothpaste imports after a number of other countries detected diethylene glycol, a poisonous chemical used in antifreeze, in shipments. And in April, the United States turned back more than 230 Chinese food products at its borders, labelling most of them simply as "filthy."
There are good reasons for the rest of the world to be worried about such troublesome developments, especially health-conscious consumers in Western countries where food and drug regulatory regimes are facing the growing challenge of rapid globalization.
China's industrialization process has created unprecedented high mobility, with some 150 million people on the move from rural to urban areas for jobs and new economic opportunities. Reforms have weakened the central government's ability to effectively control or monitor an explosive market, now primarily driven by hundreds of thousands of private enterprises.
Cut-throat capitalism and pure greed for profits, 19th-century style, are raging in the world's fourth-largest economy. Longer working hours, lower wages, higher education costs, a collapsing health-care system, and destruction of the environment are just a few challenges among many. And some have ignored the rules and engaged in fake substitutes and cheating, just to make a buck.
Despite recent international complaints about the safety of China's exports, the Chinese people themselves, not foreigners, are the primary victims of many tragic food and drug scandals. Fake food and drugs are often found in the marketplace and are even sold to hospitals. Food and environment-related poisonings have caused many illnesses and deaths in recent years. In 2004, fake baby formula with little nutritious value caused severe health problems in many infants in central China, resulting in the loss of up to 60 young lives. And since 2005, the rate of malignant tumors, listed as the No. 1 killer in China, has shot up 18.6 per cent in the cities and 23.1 per cent in the countryside.
So it is pure sensationalism, if not Sino-phobia, for some U.S. pundits to pose such questions as "Is China trying to poison Americans and their pets?" In fact, Chinese consumers have become more vocal over the years about the country's public health and environment issues. Many Chinese media outlets, under threat of censorship, have produced large exposes on China's increasing food, work and environment safety weaknesses.
Ironically, it is the outcry of North America's pet owners that puts China under international pressure to pay more attention to the country's health risks. Chinese leaders now understand that China stands to lose hundreds of billions of trade dollars if it does not restore worldwide consumer confidence.
Chinese officials used to treat international complaints as isolated incidents or, in some cases, tried to avoid responsibility. But there are indications that China is taking the public health issues, domestic or international, very seriously.
First, it has acknowledged some of the problems reported in the press, and promised to investigate and resolve them.
Second, the Chinese leaders have launched a nationwide crackdown campaign. A Beijing court just sentenced the former head of the Chinese food and drug regulation administration to death for accepting bribes to certify manufacturers of fake drugs. And a range of investigations in response to reports of fake food and pharmaceutical products is going on.
Third, the Chinese government announced earlier this month a set of new regulations that are aimed at enhancing the nation's food and drug safety system. Based on measures first revealed in April, the State Council stressed that the new national monitoring system, to be put in place by 2010, will be able to trace products, deal with accidents, and handle food recalls.
For Canada and other countries, these are encouraging steps. But no one should take safety measures of other countries for granted. Canada should consider putting in extra resources and exercising greater caution in our overall food and drug inspection capabilities.
That should include not only more vigorous border checking and import control, but also lending a hand to China to share Canada's expertise in the food and drug safety area, so China can enhance the rule of law and speed up the process of establishing a robust monitoring system that will benefit both Chinese and people around the world.
Wenran Jiang is the director of the China Institute at the University of Alberta and a senior fellow at the Asia Pacific Foundation. He has been working with Canada's PrioNet Research Network on food safety monitoring in Asia.
A cooling off in Sino-Canadian relations
Since the Conservatives ousted the Liberals and formed a minority government in early 2006, however, Sino-Canadian relations have entered a period of uncertainty. In this article, Wenran touched on a number of issues baffling both sides, including the Celil case.
You can read the article here.
Wednesday, June 20, 2007
Energy conference boosts relations with China
You can read the article here.
Monday, June 04, 2007
China says climate policy must make room for growth
China went on the global warming offensive on Monday, unveiling a climate change action plan while stressing it will not sacrifice economic ambitions to international demands to cut greenhouse gas pollution.
Wenran commented that "this is more of a mobilization rally to draw the battle line as the G8 approaches. Beijing wants to make sure that China is not the target of world opinion on global warming issues."
You can read the article here.
In China, 'cutthroat capitalism' often means cutting corners
"This is cutthroat market capitalism," said Wenran, "but the question has to be asked: is this uniquely Chinese or is there simply a lack of regulation in the market?"
You can read the article here.
Monday, May 28, 2007
True test of China's diplomatic intentions lies ahead
Read the article here.
Friday, May 18, 2007
An Export Boom Suddenly Facing a Quality Crisis
Dr. Jiang argues that China is going through a radical transformation and it’s hard to manage. "The state just doesn’t have the expertise to keep up with these things,” he said.
You can read the article here.
Sunday, May 06, 2007
China's African venture is risky business
As an expert on China's role in Africa, Wenran said that some Chinese companies operating there use Chinese labour, others local labour, and yet others, both. There is no single model. But there is clear-cut economic logic for using Chinese labour. It is cheap, disciplined, well-trained, and easy to manage. He cautioned that if Chinese invested companies want to be there for the long run, they need to have local support.
You can read the article here.