China: Officials still tend to hide bad news

On November 30, 2005, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by the Straits Times on a recent blast at a PetroChina plant in north-eastern Jilin province on Nov 13, spiltting 100 tonnes of benzene into the Songhua River.

But if change does not come soon, there will be more accidents and deaths -- resulting in high economic cost, warned Professor Jiang.

A systemic overhaul is needed for things to improve, said Prof Jiang. He said: "Detailed instructions on every level of government's role and responsibility must be spelt out. This will ensure officials are accountable as they cannot push the blame to someone else."

Click here to read the article.

Coal Mine Explosion Kills 134 Workers in China

On November 28, 2005, Dr. Wenran Jiang was interviewed by the Voice of America on the recent mine explosion in northeastern China that killed 134 workers. The blast at Qitaihe in China's Heilongjiang Province happened at a time when China is stocking up on coal supplies ahead of the approaching winter.

"China uses a lot of energy, so therefore [there are] a lot of energy-related accidents. Almost every other week, we have such accidents," Dr. Jiang said. "These are actually partly [caused by] the industrialization process, and partly due to the market-driven, all-for-money drive by local governments."

Read the article here.

With free trade all talk, APEC risks becoming irrelevant

by Wenran Jiang
(Nov 25, 2005)
The Global and Mail

Prime Minister Paul Martin must have heaved a sigh of relief to leave domestic headaches behind for a few days when he flew to South Korea for the annual APEC summit last week.

The Asia Pacific Economic Co-operation forum seems an ideal international stage for Mr. Martin and many of his 20 counterparts to boost their image. Representing more than 40 per cent of the world's population, the APEC group is the largest regional trading bloc, commanding nearly 50 per cent of global trade volume and 60 per cent of GDP. It has generated nearly 70 per cent of global economic growth in the past decade. In a joint declaration, members expressed support for the World Trade Organization talks in Hong Kong next month, combatting the spread of avian flu, and fighting terrorism.

But image-polishing is not quite the same as tangible achievement. Contrary to the carefully chosen theme of this year's forum -- "Toward One Community: Meet the Challenge, Make the Change" -- beneath the surface, APEC is disintegrating into regional and bilateral blocs and lacks the leadership to meet many of its challenges.

Free-trade rhetoric has never been as strongly propagated by governments as the dominant ideology and unmistakable path to prosperity, yet every major global free-trade mechanism has trouble reaching a consensus. The implementation of the WTO's 2001 Doha commitment to global open trade is stalled; the coming talks are at risk because rich countries won't end domestic agricultural subsidies. Similar issues caused the dismal failure of the recently held Summit of the Americas, where the Free Trade Area of the Americas, being negotiated for more than a decade, faced fierce resistance from Southern Latin American states.

The APEC club, hailed as a major free-trade advocate, has done little beyond issue statements. Nor is there any clear road map on how to realize the goals of an Asia Pacific open market by all advanced economies in 2010, followed by all others in 2020.

The APEC community is gradually becoming an empty shell, shrinking into isolated resort gatherings of government elites, while mass protests gain momentum, intensifying global discontent.

While most countries belong to some form of global, regional and bilateral trade regimes, they tend to employ protectionist measures whenever self-perceived interests are at stake. The U.S. refusal to abide by NAFTA rulings over the softwood lumber dispute with Canada is a frustrating example. China complains bitterly that its textile exports, which comply with the WTO-mandated schedule that all barriers be lifted this year, are being blocked by the United States and European Union.

APEC countries are committed to mutual tariff reduction but a mechanism is missing to move beyond paperwork.

Threatened by the growing and perceived protectionist movements, many countries are seeking bilateral and intraregional trade deals, making WTO and larger regional organizations such as APEC more and more a theatre for talk rather than serious action. China has moved to establish a free-trade zone with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN); its free-market status has been recognized by New Zealand and South Korea; Australia and the EU are negotiating with Beijing for the same arrangement; Japan is chasing China, in fear of lagging behind.

Next month, there will be several summits centred on ASEAN and China: The ASEAN plus Three

(China, Japan, South Korea) conference, the ASEAN-India conference, and the ASEAN plus Russia conference.

However, the most visible challenge and alternative to the U.S.-centred Asia Pacific order will come when the first East Asian Summit is held in Malaysia next month. While ASEAN, China, Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand and India will all be at the table, neither the U.S. nor Canada is invited. This is a serious development, if not a setback for Ottawa's Asian diplomacy. Mr. Martin has threatened Washington with closer ties to Asia as a counterbalance to U.S. protectionism. But everyone knows he has no action plan to back up his rhetoric. The only way to get back in the game is to take aggressive measures that reconnect Canada with other Asia Pacific countries. The newly established free-trade negotiation with Japan is a step in the right direction but it is not bold enough. For Canada not to be left out of the world's emerging and most dynamic trading bloc, similar actions must be taken with China and ASEAN.

Unfortunately, rather than asserting much-needed leadership and projecting a distinct Canadian mark on the other side of the Pacific, Mr. Martin is busy marking his calendar for a federal election.

China's post-Unocal energy strategy

I was invited to give the opening keynote speech on this subject at the Regional Economic Leadership Forum, Whistler, BC on Nov. 17, 2005, organized by Pacific NorthWest Economic Region.

Is China's media fairer toward Japan?

This Japan Times article, with my interview in it, is also carried by China's offical China Daily.

China rethinks peasant 'apartheid'

My interview with BBC in this analysis. READ HERE

China celebrates 50 years of nuclear achievements

My latest article in the Jamestown Foundation's China Brief. READ HEAR.

Koizumi's Kingdom of Illusion

Thanks to Josh, here is an article by Gavan McCormack.

Honouring aggression at Yasukuni

South China Morning Post

KOIZUMI'S PILGRIMAGE
Honouring aggression at Yasukuni
WENRAN JIANG

In open defiance against growing domestic and international criticism, Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi went to the Yasukuni Shrine on Monday, his fifth such visit since coming to power in 2001. The following day, a large number of other politicians paid tribute at the shrine.

Two weeks ago, a Japanese high court ruled that Mr Koizumi's pilgrimage to Yasukuni, where convicted war criminals are honoured among the war dead, violated the constitutional separation of church and state. A number of Asian countries - former victims of Japanese militarism - have always opposed such visits. They have repeatedly asked Mr Koizumi not to go to the shrine this year, the 60th anniversary of the end of the second world war.

Mr Koizumi's latest action immediately pushed Japan's relations with its neighbours to a new low. China, South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan all lodged strong protests. Scheduled diplomatic meetings between Tokyo and other Asian capitals were cancelled or postponed.

But the long-term damage to the region by the latest shrine visit will become even more severe. Unlike in Europe, where Germany's thorough reflection on history has led to continental reconciliation, East Asia has suffered from Japan's lack of remorse for its aggressive war. The annual visit to Yasukuni by Mr Koizumi and a large number of Japanese parliamentarians simply makes a mockery of any "sincere apologies" offered in the past.

First, Mr Koizumi and company justify the shrine visit as following Japanese culture and tradition. But Yasukuni was created by the Japanese government, in the late 19th century, to honour overseas expansion and imperialist war efforts. It was the designated institution for state Shinto indoctrination and the propaganda and mobilisation centre of Japanese militarism.

Yasukuni represents a culture of blind obedience to a totalitarian state, and a tradition of colonialism and imperialism through war and aggression.

Second, Mr Koizumi rebutted criticism by insisting that he goes to Yasukuni only to show respect to those who sacrificed themselves for the country's current prosperity, and to pray for peace. Yet, if one takes a tour of the war museum attached to the shrine, as I did a few months ago, it is clear that the shrine demands all who pray there should live the way those enshrined there lived.

At the shrine you find a history that says Japan did no wrong, and waged no aggressive wars, in the past. It claims all the sacrifices made by Japanese were not for a militaristic state, but for Japan's own defence and for liberating Asians from white imperialism.

Third, the prime minister has accused Beijing and Seoul of interfering in Japan's domestic affairs. Knowing full well the potential for backlash from neighbouring countries, Mr Koizumi promised right-wing groups that he would make annual visits to the shrine in exchange for their support in his leadership bid four years ago.

He then manipulated the Japanese public's resentment of foreign criticism by presenting himself as standing tall. As a result, he managed to remain popular and even won a majority in the recent lower-house election.

Unfortunately, Mr Koizumi has faced only a very limited domestic challenge to his shrine pilgrimages. That is another reflection of his country's failure as a democracy to collectively face its war responsibilities.

The Japanese voters who put Mr Koizumi in office should pursue a much brighter option, constructing a path to reconciliation in East Asia while firmly blocking the way to Yasukuni.

Wenran Jiang is an associate professor of political science at the University of Alberta, Canada.

Many players emerging in CIA leak drama

Simply a good story. Read here.

Stakes rise in Japan, China gas dispute

From Aisa Times

My comment on Koizumi's Yasukuni homage

Comment

At what price Koizumi's homage to Japan's war dead . . .

WENRAN JIANG

18 October 2005
The Globe and Mail
A25

The setting is the Yasukuni Shrine in central Tokyo. The sole cast member is Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi. And his ritual is to honour Japan's war dead, including thousands of convicted war criminals from the Second World War.

Mr. Koizumi's pilgrimage to the controversial Shinto site yesterday, his fifth such annual practice since taking office in 2001, is a staged act of defiance against growing domestic and international criticism. Only two weeks ago, a Japanese high court ruled that Mr. Koizumi's acts violated the constitutional separation of religion and state. Asian countries, former victims of Japanese militarism, have always opposed such a visit.

Mr. Koizumi's latest action pushed Japan's relations with its neighbours to a new low. The Chinese were particularly irritated by the timing — they were celebrating the return of their astronauts from a five-day, Earth-orbiting journey. While Seoul cancelled President Roh Moo-hyun's meeting with Mr. Koizumi at next month's APEC meeting, Beijing sent home Japanese diplomats attending high-level bilateral consultations and scrapped this weekend's visit by Japan's foreign minister.

The long-term damage to the region is much more severe. Unlike in Europe, where Germany's thorough reflection of history has led to continental reconciliation, East Asia has suffered from Japan's lack of remorse for its past wars. Yes, Japanese leaders have issued a number of apologies, including a statement that Mr. Koizumi read on Aug. 15, the date of Japan's defeat 60 years ago. But many remarks made by senior members of the Liberal Democratic Party, which has ruled Japan in the postwar era, have either rejected these apologies or undermined them.

To those who were victimized by Japanese militarism and to those who have a clear sense of history and justice, the annual visits to Yasukuni by Mr. Koizumi and a large number of Japanese parliamentarians simply make a mockery of their “deep remorse” rhetoric.

Mr. Koizumi and company justify the shrine visit as following Japanese culture and tradition. But Yasukuni is the creation of the Japanese state in the late 19th century for overseas expansion and imperialist war efforts. It was the designated institution for state Shinto indoctrination and the propaganda and mobilization centre of Japanese militarism; the sole purpose of its existence was to convince Japanese that, if they killed and died for the Emperor, their souls would be enshrined there. The Yasukuni culture is one of blind obedience to a totalitarian state, and the Yasukuni tradition is one of colonialism and imperialism through war and aggression.

Mr. Koizumi insists that he goes to Yasukuni only to show respect to those who sacrificed themselves for the country's prosperity today and to pray for peace. Yet, if one takes a tour of the state-of-the-art war museum attached to the shrine, it is clear that the shrine demands all those who pray there to live the way those enshrined there lived. And you find there a history in which Japan has done no wrong: All sacrifices were for Japan's defence, and for liberating Asians from white imperialism. The Yasukuni narrative of history is not the elimination of twisted nationalism but the revival of it. The Yasukuni notion of peace is to glorify war criminals as peace lovers. And the Yasukuni interpretation of sacrifice is the total rejection of the international war tribunal's verdict on Japan's war criminals.

Four years ago, in exchange for right-wing support for his bid as prime minister, Mr. Koizumi pledged to make annual visits to Yasukuni. He then manipulated the public's resentment of foreign criticism by presenting himself as standing tall. He managed to remain popular, and even received a majority in the latest lower-house election. Unfortunately, the very limited challenge Mr. Koizumi has faced domestically for his Yasukuni venture is also a reflection of Japan's failure as a nation to collectively face its past war responsibilities.

Internationally, Mr. Koizumi has lost credibility in Asia. On the other hand, while it is hard to imagine a German chancellor visiting a Nazi memorial and telling the world it's just for peace, Mr. Koizumi has escaped from much wider international condemnation.

“To go is hell; and not to go is hell, too,” Mr. Koizumi told his aides when trying to assess the fallout before his first official trip to Yasukuni in 2001. His gamble has certainly kept him at the edge of hell. But for the Japanese nation not to go over the edge with him, a path to the future must be constructed while the way to Yasukuni is firmly blocked.

Wenran Jiang, twice a Japan Foundation fellow, is associate professor of political science at the University of Alberta.

South China Morning Post

October 17, 2005

CHINA’S DEVELOPMENT
Beyond the politics of power

WENRAN JIANG

In its reporting on the 16th Central Committee's fifth plenum, which has just concluded, the overseas media has focused on elite politics - with much speculation about a power struggle and personnel changes. Yet, this overemphasis on the top leadership comes at the expense of a comprehensive analysis of mainland politics, economy and social changes at this very important stage of China's development.

Many fail to realise that China's leaders know very well the challenges they face as a collective entity. It is clear that if they mishandle many of the burning issues of the day, ranging from income inequality to environmental degradation, the survival of the regime as a whole will be at risk. Thus, there are fundamental unifying forces at work, pushing party elites to set aside their differences and work towards common goals.

That said, every new leadership takes certain steps to consolidate power, and the team headed by President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao is no exception. But specific circumstances and factors differentiate this leadership from previous ones.

First, Mr Hu does not have Deng Xiaoping's personal clout, and has to rely more on the collective decision-making process. Other leaders are likely to put the emphasis on policy rather than group around an individual or a particular region. In that sense, the obsession with the factional affiliations of certain top party members may be heading in the wrong direction.

Second, there was no promotion of Mr Hu's future successors at the plenum, as had been widely anticipated. After only a few years in power, he may not have the kind of power base to reshuffle the leadership. Nor does he necessarily want to be seen to be pursuing such an agenda while trying to project a closer-to-the-people image.

Mr Hu and Mr Wen have other priorities: they have realised that unless they emphasise balanced development, more equality, harmony in society and measures to protect the environment, China's modernisation drive will not be sustained. If the Communist Party cannot continue to deliver economic growth and benefits, social stability will be threatened. Thus, the fifth plenum's priorities are not about personnel or the consolidation of power - although those are important to Mr Hu. Rather, what dominated the agenda were a new five-year economic development plan and other pressing economic, social and political issues.

Two major pillars of the new approach to solving China's development problems are gradually emerging. One is the construction of a "harmonious society", which aims to improve equality, take care of those left behind, rebuild the failing social security network and calm social unrest. The other is the "scientific concept of development", which stresses conservation and efficiency, reduces waste, promotes green indicators of gross domestic product and prevents further damage to the environment.

Both goals are, in fact, what the mainland really needs today. The irony is that Mr Hu and Mr Wen seem to have decided that they can implement these by maintaining tight control, at the expense of more political openness and civil liberty.

That is a fatal mistake. For without political reforms, broader participation, an open press and strengthened rule of law, a harmonious society and the scientific concept of development will remain largely political slogans. And the outside world will continue to be obsessed with the elite power struggle within Zhongnanhai.

Wenran Jiang is an associate professor of political science at the University of Alberta, Canada.

China Rising: Will it Join the World or Change It?

I will speak at the one day conference on the rise of China
Sponsored by Canadian Institute of International Affairs &
Foreign Affairs Canada, Ottawa, Oct. 28, 2005
Get more details and the program

Ottawa touts China's energy needs as chance to move from U.S. market

Tara Perkins, Canadian Press October 14, 2005

China's growing appetite for oil, which will see it battle the United States and other trading partners for investment opportunities in the Canadian oilsands, will boost profits in numerous ways.

Read it here

Local beating of Chinese farmer & foreign journalists

Benjamin Joffe-Walt of The Guardian is honest in his report. He should have known better but he does not. Every foreign reporter intended to go to the countryside for such an investigation should have read the book, A Survey of Chinese Peasants, by Chen Guidi and Chuntao.

New Five-Year Plan called 'revolutionary'

From "getting rich first" to "common prosperity"From "growth rate" to "sustainable development"

Read it here

Hu brought down to earth

Hu brought down to earth
By a Special Correspondent

Even as China celebrated sending two men into space, Chinese President Hu Jintao was in no mood to join in the back-slapping. His political agenda received a thumbs-down at the Communist Party's central committee plenum. This is certainly a setback for Hu, but the game is far from over.

Read it here

Sino-U.S. Energy Competition in Africa

With oil prices hitting record levels of US$70 per barrel in recent weeks, major energy-consuming countries are engaging in an increasingly heated competition for energy resources on the world stage. Nowhere is this more evident than between the United States and China, the world's first and second-largest energy consuming countries respectively.

Read it here

U.S. Energy Future Rests with Development of Canadian Oil Sands

U.S. Energy Future Rests with Development of Canadian Oil Sands
Along a giant patch of Canada's Far North, where moose outnumber people, a vital part of America's energy future seeps out of riverbanks and is hidden below soft prairie grass. These Canadian oil sands will help keep American SUVs running in the years to come.

Read it here